One Flew East, One Flew West: The Unseen Division that Excludes Muslim Women from Western Feminism.

The statement that “Western Feminism has failed Muslim women” implies that Muslim women are alienated from the movement and that this separation is at a point of irreconcilability. However, the statement leaves the following open to interpretation: which branches truly qualify as “Western feminism”, which “Muslim women” of what practices are chiefly affected, and whether other factors have also failed Muslim women, if not to a greater extent. Ultimately, rather than this division being an issue of feminism itself, it seems more likely to be a consequence rooted in the long withstanding conflicts between the Islamic world and the Western, which will only become more pronounced through time as what was once an imposed hegemony, quickly gives way to its contemporary rivals on the global stage1.

To begin with, Western feminism would seem to describe feminism “that is chiefly originated in, and practiced in the West”. However, there are several issues to this. One is that in an increasingly interconnected world through globalisation and the advancement of technology, hardly is there any one thing that is practiced in any one place2. Second, most Western feminists have departed or evolved from the idea which the phrase may connote, namely fourth-wave feminism, which became criticised for its lack of intersectionality and internal divisions3, breaking primarily into liberal versus radical feminism. Of these two, liberal feminism arguably aligns more with Western values and the provided definition, whereas radical feminism, while also originating in the West, was formed in response to areas lacking in liberal feminism and has found greater resonance on a global scale4. However, since an increasing number of Western conservatives5 have taken to radical feminism, the movement may become as Western-centric as liberal feminism, displacing its non-Western followers, of which, due to perceptions of what constitutes ‘Western’, Muslim women are included. Therefore, both movements can be explored in relation to the statement that Western feminism has failed Muslim women.

Liberal feminism, because of its closeness to, despite attempted departure from, fourth wave feminism, arguably poses a greater failure to Muslim women than radical feminism. While attempts to be more inclusive have been made6, the issue of intersectionality in practice still stands, which is exacerbated by the fact that liberal feminism is tied to Western values that are both politically and religiously at odds with Muslim values such as the sexual liberation movement. This, as well as choice feminism, have both been challenged to suggest that liberal feminism may be less a symbol of progression and more so a product of continued exploitation. For example, a key assumption is that empowering individuals within existing systems will lead to a more just and equal society. But the critical part is ‘within existing systems’, emphasising the freedom of the individual but lacking the consideration for a wider systemic change not only in legislation but in cultural norms and perceptions means that any suggested way of individual freedom still falls under the continuation of the system it criticises7. This applies to the sexual liberation movement which tends to prioritise personal choices without addressing the larger systemic inequalities that shape those choices, often occurring within patriarchal systems that commodify and objectify women's bodies. As such, women’s objectification can continue to be profited on under the guise of individual empowerment. Similarly, choice feminism overemphasises the individual, celebrating all choices made without questioning whether they reinforce or challenge systemic oppression, such as plastic surgery to conform to patriarchal beauty norms or having low standards for male partners8, which undermine the movement’s collective goals. This lack of cohesion makes the already unattractive even more so, as Muslim women are already separated from the movement’s lack of applicability to cultural norms outside the West, such as collectivism, modesty, or spiritual fulfilment over individualistic ideals. Moreover, the assumption that emancipation must align with the West risks erasing the agency of Muslim women who actively choose their religion and repeating the marginalisation of Muslims by the West through time.

Conversely, radical feminism offers a stance that is greater in its universality, as many cultures outside the West have taken to it with significant action9. This is likely because the movement accounts for previous shortfalls such as the enabling of sexual exploitation and the dilution of a movement through an uncritical, unquestioning stance on all choices made, instead, it takes a clear and steadfast approach for cohesion and clarity, strengthening its capacity for real progress. However, this branch has similarly started to face criticisms for falling subject to the continuation of patriarchal, and in this case also conservative, values such as coining ‘the divine feminine’10, imposing and excluding based on misleadingly progressive beauty standards under the guise of a ‘female gaze’11, supporting the rising trad wife trends but only when it looks a certain way12, conforming to a racial hierarchy13, failures to ‘decentre’ men and the questionable politics of its speakers14. Another criticism it has started to face is a certain rigidity in its views toward men or masculine traits that polarise people who either present that way or have a certain appreciation for such aspects. This may include Muslim women who grew up with more traditional gender norms that included positive examples of masculinity, as tradition does not always necessitate oppression but may also serve as a cornerstone of stability and role model behaviour. This polarisation however does not limit itself to gender but to race and culture as well, as radical feminism in some aspects also struggles with intersectionality15, displacing its potential for greater resonance with Muslim women.

Then again, what does or does not resonate with ‘Muslim women’ must be deconstructed in order to be properly understood, as it is a broad term that cannot scale all the differences between all the practising or hereditary16 Muslims of the world. These experiences are made different chiefly by secularism and geopolitics, however, one factor that can in some ways tie these experiences together is a shared marginalisation from or within Western cultures.

Understandably, there has always been an omnipresent tribalism that takes precedence when one hegemony is presented with the threat of another, but more than tribalism on an individual level is a very real and directly overt alienation of a moulded Muslim monolith. What this means is that the idea of Muslims as homogenous in practice has been purposefully created and solidified to justify their treatment as political scapegoats. For example, 9/11 and the following ‘freedom wars’17, racial profiling for ‘security concerns’18, the ‘freedom house’ as a means of continued corruption19, and the fact that both in the modern and historical world the Arabic region directly disproves the idea of western hegemony. This can be seen in its history as another colonial power, making it more likely to threaten the hegemony implied because it disrupts the assumption that the West is a dominant power and deserves to be treated as such for its supposed advancements over other nations, which is significant as Western capitalism tends to favour a monopolistic view on financial and political power20. Adding on to this threat, is the ever-growing certainty of Arabic nations such as Saudi Arabia taking further precedence in the near future21, as well as the fact that the US is already ‘under the thumb’ of certain countries such as Iran22. These perceived threats contribute to a trickle-down effect in Western media wherein Muslim representation, even in seemingly innocuous media such as Disney’s Aladdin, contribute to their historical othering thus far23. Other countries too in the West, such as France and the UK, not only maintain an inherently racist attitude in media sources such as the news or stories which are ultimately inspired by the news, but also in overt legislative action24. Thereby, Western feminism cannot be separated from the fact that it is Western, and as such it is unlikely that its branches can ever be considered truly intersectional, even to Muslim women who have grown up in and are a part of the Western world.

For Muslim women who do not reside in any one of such Western countries, it could be argued that Western feminism does not fail them because its reach does not extend to that point, where other factors instead override the impact of Western feminism. For example, a significant factor in the differences of experience between Western and non-Western Muslims is their given sect, which is tied also to the cultural practices pertaining to each individual’s nation or national background. This is where secularism and geopolitics are undeniable contenders in the applicability of Western feminism in the first place. While there have been some cases of successful attempts to integrate its Muslim followers, these attempts are essentially too far and few between, falling short of any significant long-term impact25. Further, the idea that Western feminism and Western values necessitate progress is inherently flawed and an arguably colonialist perspective26. Similarly flawed is the assumption that anything non progressive is ‘backwards’ and that by comparison the future is progress itself. Rather, there have been many cases where progress was lost with time, and in Muslim countries where the religion is used for oppression27, as it is a misconception that the religion itself is the oppression, it in fact happened that previous eras were more accommodating to the rights of Muslim women than they later became28. And this is a critical aspect that much of the Western feminist movement fails to understand, that any criticisms should be directed towards the given geopolitical landscapes as opposed to the Muslim women for practicing Islam29.

Some may argue in this context that bigger failures to Muslim women would be Muslim men who similarly misuse the religion30, as a corrupt government can only be maintained if enough individuals are willing to support its existence. But not only for this reason, as it has been suggested that on a more universal level, it seems to be a primordial condition of all or most men to fail their society’s women31. While these secondary factors provide some relevant further context, the issue is that these views may inadvertently overemphasise the role of the individual again in comparison to wide-scale structural injustices, as well as unnecessarily villainise Muslim men and thereby Muslim women also32. Therefore, of all the aforementioned, it would seem most largely prevalent to discuss the wider cultural practices affected by land and secularism, that maintain the division between Muslim women and Western feminism.

As established, it is not the religion itself but the way it is practised according to individual states, and despite all religions having the capacity to be interpreted in better or worse ways, Islam is unjustifiably targeted due to the East-West divide that continues to be perpetuated in an increasingly tense political climate33. Of its branches, Sufism tends to be received more favourably by a Western perspective, primarily because of its adaptability to personal spirituality and interfaith exploration. Whereas Salafism takes a stricter stance on the practice of Islam, advocating for a return to the way Islam was practised by the first three generations of prophets and more openly defying any imposition of Western hegemonic encroachment. However, the assumed progressiveness of each sect depends more on the countries they are practised in, as in relation to the discussion of women’s rights, India and Pakistan are not exempt from challenges concerning this issue despite potentially being seen as adopting the more ‘progressive’ branch of Islam34. Further, because these countries are non Western, they are viewed by some Western feminists through a lens of white privilege, adopting either a saviour complex that prevents their approaches from resonating35, or worse, provides an opportunity for lobbyist behaviour to develop36. In either circumstance, it remains imminent that the specific practices of each country carry a much larger bearing on the rights received by Muslim women, and that the failures of Western feminism to include Muslim women in non Western countries is rooted in the fact that it is primarily Western, before it is feminist, as the original definition of feminism had universal intentions on the advocacy for women’s rights.

Comparatively, failures of the Western feminist movement to fairly include Muslim women should be felt more strongly by Muslim women in Western countries, as while many of the efforts do not reach outside its cultural spheres37 and thereby fail but to a lesser degree with non-Western Muslims, Western Muslims are confronted with Western feminism and its flaws on a more regular basis. From education to media to general cultural norms of individualism and competition that alienates and divides, as well as other factors that differentiate Western Muslims from non-Western such as the fact that secularism plays less of a role in the practice of the religion38 and that most have been presented with wildly varying world views, both of which contribute to the sense of autonomous choice to practice Islam, which would then overall increase the Muslim woman’s separation from, and justified scepticism of, what Western feminism has to offer. In addition to this, Western Muslims may be even harder to convince toward Western feminism with the consideration that immigrant women or offspring of immigrant mothers, who become minorities and face minority treatment due to their environment, develop a mistrust toward White women because this demographic tends to be the key propagators of their marginalisation in daily life39 and equally coincide with tending to be the main representation of large feminist movements40. Altogether this means that the Western Muslim woman is by no means less separated from, or thereby less disillusioned by, the Western feminist movement than the non-Western Muslim woman. Both have been failed and it appears unlikely that the movement in its current state could reverse the impacts it still continues to have41.

In conclusion, Western feminism primarily has failed, and continues to fail, Muslim women for the fact that it is Western above all else and thereby remains separate to all that is perceived as non-Western. Second to this is the inherent instability of the movement, and even within its subdivisions, not only for its pertaining issues with intersectionality and the implications of a colonialist undertone, but also for contradictions that reduce overall credibility. Further, there is a reductive stance normalised towards the experience of Muslim women and related issues that misdirect any potential for meaningful change toward their continued subjugation to unfairly antagonising portrayals, whether inadvertent or meant. Ultimately, under all that has been examined, it does not seem likely that these failures should improve. And as such, the Western-centric aspect must be removed for access to greater cross cultural resonance and the encouragement of genuine inclusion that inspires challenges toward wider systemic injustices as originally intended, instead of its potential being overshadowed by an overwhelming lack of cohesion.

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