Through the Pecking Order: An Exploration into the Invisible Yet Omnipotent Roles of Women in Peace Consolidation.

Prompt: to critically examine the role women play in peace consolidation.

Introduction

There is no singular role that all women play in peace consolidation. Instead, there are different roles which may support, or equally dismantle, the preservation and recovery of international stability. However, if there is any shared quality between the primary roles that will be explored, The Trunchbulls and The Marthas, Chosen Ones, Pin Up Dolls, Mothers and Individuals, it is that all the aforementioned have a greater capacity than their male counterparts[1] to determine the outcome of a country’s peace efforts, whether for better or for worse and regardless of whether this power receives its appropriate recognition, of which a large part remains unrealised by both the self and others[2].

The under-acknowledged and therefore underused potential of women to take on a noticeably leading role in peace consolidation efforts has meant that the leadership already at play, through being able to enforce change that resonates more deeply and involves a wider variety of spheres for political influence[3], still faces a cycle of anonymity as women of both individual and international scale remain separated from their power’s necessary self-actualisation. This limitation in part originates and continues from the underdeveloped leadership of other women who came before[4], leading to the political androcentrism that continues to thrive today.

Along with a more nuanced view on women in relation to political stability and rule, further consideration necessitates that not all stability and neither all female rule is inherently good nor progressive. As is easily dismissed under the androcentrism that prevails, women’s role in peace consolidation is not merely about keeping peace, but deciding what kind of peace exists. Equally significant, is that true peace is not only the absence of war but the presence of justice[5], and women’s roles are central to defining whether societies move toward stability or oppression, where failure to recognise this would limit the overall effectiveness of future efforts towards sustaining or rebuilding stability.

The Trunchbulls

Part of this sustained repression from leadership roles are The Trunchbulls, who have largely challenged aims toward international peace. For example, Thatcher’s authorisation of military operation against the Falkland Islands may not only have been a display of imperialism but, alongside it, a conventional display of masculinised force. This is because, through being the aggressor, connotations chiefly associated with the masculine arise[6], and in male-dominated spheres such as global politics, masculinity through forward action, changes being made to physical appearances[7] and views expressed by a woman against other women to promote manhood through its opposite association, all often contribute to a Trunchbull’s increased access to respectability in her field. This is further supported by separate statements made by Thatcher such as, “the feminists hate me, don’t they? And I don’t blame them, because I have succeeded where they have failed”, and “I owe nothing to women's lib”[8], reflecting those who distance themselves from collective womanhood and adopt stereotypically masculine qualities to escape the treatment of other women.

This treatment stems from the way collective womanhood is often equated with inferiority, meaning that qualities that would otherwise be strengths in diplomatic leadership such as peace-oriented policies, are instead viewed as passivity. As such, Trunchbulls are more likely to disrupt peace consolidation efforts by adopting these stereotypical images of masculinity and, therefore, supposed strength in leadership. The very characteristics that allow access to respectability often push toward practices that undermine international peace rather than sustain it, reinforcing the outdated notion that power necessitates force to prove itself. In other words, “Here is this woman who kills, who wants something, the woman who consumes her children, who wants too much, but not because she’s evil but because she wants her own life.”[9] 

The Marthas

Similar to The Trunchbulls in their denigration of other women to vie for political respectability are The Marthas. However, these figures adhere to traditionally feminine archetypes, presenting as such through peace-oriented strategies instead. Although this ‘peace’ often suppresses any revolution that is more than an act of violence and rather an act of necessity. A healthy democracy allows the opportunity for dialogue[10], unlike Phyllis Schlafly’s contributions to the Reagan era, positioning herself as a defender of traditional family values to advocate against the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA)[11]. By promoting domesticity and opposing feminist movements, she reinforced the preservation of social stability rather than challenging the oppressive structures that underpinned it. Her image[12] pertaining to feminine archetypes of care and protection subversively allowed her to wield power while simultaneously rejecting that women should directly hold positions of authority.

Mother Teresa similarly embodies the Martha archetype through service to a masculinised institution[13], the Church and Pope, which limit equal female participation yet enable women to exercise a perceived level of influence. Her humanitarian efforts, though later questionable, positioned countries such as India in a positive light in its international diplomacy, associating a narrative of peace through this service[14]. However, the means by which her work was conducted were eventually criticised for their ethical implications, particularly regarding the conditions in her Missionaries of Charity[15], though her gender and image made these difficult to address. As such, her contributions to peace consolidation are paradoxical, as The Marthas stabilise existing power structures rather than challenge the oppressive decisions made to reinforce its dominion.

The Chosen Ones

Overlapping with The Marthas are The Chosen Ones, although these more specifically assist another (male) leader, often through marriage, rather than acting as a figurehead in their own right. Their influence on peace consolidation, both in terms of conflict prevention and the ‘forgiveness period’ primarily operates through image or as a secret advisory, where contributions shape political outcomes without being known. Both reinforce present and retrospective stability, manipulating collective memory and perception of public events. For example, Imelda Marcos, wife of Filipino dictator Ferdinand Marcos, continued to have loyalists despite their oppressive rule[16]. Even after the regime's fall, her lingering influence contributed to a post-dictatorship climate where the electorate welcomed a direct successor within a generation[17]. This reflects how the enduring image of a female consort can shape public attitudes and soften the perception of authoritarian rule. Similarly, in Jordan, Queen Rania's polished and diplomatic presence supports the kingdom's image as one of the most stable monarchies in the Middle East. Her comment that she "spend(s) more time deciding on (her) clothes than anything else before meeting foreign leaders"[18] emphasises the strategic relevance of appearance in soft power diplomacy. As such, her role helps to maintain domestic and international perceptions of Jordan as a stable, modernising state through image concerns while masking its underlying social and political restrictions[19].

Whereas the absence of a Chosen One weakens a male leader's image and by consequence his relations, as exemplified by the British monarchy. While Princess Diana's warmth softened public perception of the royal family, her absence exposed the institution's rigidity[20]. Comparing King Charles' later royal tours to when Princess Diana was alive, he and the entire concept of monarchy and British commonwealth faced much higher resistance[21]. Evidently, the monarchy has since struggled to maintain wider appeal, demonstrating how these figures act as mediators of rigid power structures to the public. As for the presence of Chosen Ones into the future, this role can assist the gradual integration into women as political leaders being normalised, as it provides an avenue for (relative) female authority in societies where overt female leadership is yet to reach full acceptance.

The Pin-Up Dolls

Similarly connected with soft power strategies are the Pin-Up Dolls, who become the faces of political and social movements, often portraying ideas or values without necessarily intending to. This positioning fluctuates between ‘Madonna’ and ‘Whore’ archetypes[22], each capable of representing either end of peace-oriented or non-peace-oriented goals, operating as both tools of suppression and as destabilising forces. There is also the disembodied version, where generalised feminine roles are applied to nations and cultures at large to justify a (Western-dominated) anarchic world order[23].

            Examining the aforementioned, those categorised as ‘Whore’ may do so in a self-actualised way that is meant to be subversive, or, be subjected to judgement that seeks to denigrate movements that have the potential to disrupt a nation’s status quo. With the former, inspiration is sourced from broader societal discomfort concerning the female gaze, deviating from imposed norms and using the controversy to land greater impact, such as the militant suffragettes and the later resurgence of radical feminism[24]. Alternatively, it serves as a method of dismissal, whether to specifically target a woman’s influence in the political sphere by associating her with sexual impurity[25] or through the overarching weaponisation of sexual violence in war, where countries are able to continue to enact war crimes without necessarily being penalised[26]. These therefore illustrate how the archetype can be used for or against women’s political influence. Where deviating from traditional ideals of femininity such as through violent protest can act as a revolutionary disruption of peace, the role can also be used to diminish the ability of women to act as agents of peace in order to maintain authoritarian or militaristic control.

The ‘Madonna’ side is similarly equivocal, functioning both as a source of inspiration for change and a tool for ideological control. In peace consolidation, it can be projected[27] onto public figures to promote non-violence and conservative ideals, reinforcing a version of peace that prioritises stability over justice. At times women are thus sacrificed in public relations to serve political goals, as reflected in recently regressive fashion[28]. However, the martyr-like associations of women, despite originating from less progressive attitudes, possess a greater emotional appeal that enhances their ability to unify and persuade. As Gandhi stated, "Suffering is the badge of the strong… the law of life… the way to salvation."[29] In this archetype, the suffering of women is especially idealised due to connotations of purity and passivity, the ultimate ‘peaceful protest’. This contrasts with the rebellious, non-sacrificial portrayal of the ‘whore’ archetype, as here instead it is the victimisation of women that disrupts peace[30].

Whereas on a more abstract level, the feminine has been tied to imperialist and authoritarian strategies, used to manipulate narratives of peace and war. The Nazi slogan "Kinder, Küche, Kirche"[31] exemplified state use of the maternal figure to enforce national loyalty in times of war. Meanwhile women’s suffering may be used to justify military intervention as ‘liberation’ such as by "saving brown women from brown men" in non-Western countries[32]. Then on a wider scale, entire nations may be feminised to justify their exploitation, for example Edward Said critiques the British Empire’s feminisation of India to justify its colonial rule[33]. Additionally in the American context, the portrayal of Native American societies as "savage" and "uncivilised" by European colonisers served to justify the imposition of Western gender norms, undermining indigenous matriarchal structures. Indigenous nations were also feminised as being “weak” and in need of protection and control by settler colonial forces[34]. Therefore, global power dynamics appear to consist of dominant powers maintaining stability while disrupting the peace of the subordinate at hand, by manipulating the idea of the feminine and applying it to the context of peace consolidation or otherwise its disruption.

Mothers, Individuals, and Final Words

Ultimately, the most intrinsic yet unseen aspect lies in the capacity to be both biological and social nurturers. Every mother is also an individual, and every woman acts as a mother in some way whether biologically or through relationships with friends, family, workplaces, their general environments, establishing women as omnipresent in the concerns of national, and thereby international peace efforts. From the very beginning women are the first point of contact with foundational worldviews. This influence is significant and therefore, authoritarian regimes place greater restrictions on women’s education and autonomy to control succeeding generations. The Romanian Orphan Study[35] and Harlow’s Experiment[36] illustrate how maternal care affects cognitive and emotional impairments, while research on the F-scale[37] reinforces the importance of maternal influence in shaping resilience or submission. Societies that undermine women perpetuate a cultural and epigenetic transference of instability in the psyche that contributes to a destabilised peace, either by maintaining conditions for ongoing civil unrest, such as the exploitation of the DRC[38], or by cultivating populations to be more susceptible to authoritarian control. In this way, women’s roles within the private sphere directly shape the public, making their treatment a critical factor in the consolidation or destruction of peace.

Beyond maternal roles and the other described identities, individuals also act as vessels of leadership, influencing movements toward or away from peace. Women as individuals especially exhibit intuitive and emotional intelligence extending beyond biological spaces into communities, workplaces, and broader social structures. Intelligence agencies have researched these capacities, recognising their strategic value, and perhaps it is the inherent, though largely unspoken, knowledge of woman’s superiority in these fields that have prompted a defensive attempt to limit this power, through measures such as food denial and social repression through time[39].

Women’s influence then manifests not only through formal leadership but also in the everyday decisions that shape collective political consciousness. In both public and private spheres, they continue to function as both leaders and caregivers, extending maternal roles into communal and professional contexts. This duality of being both subject to and enforcer of political ideologies means that whether consciously or unconsciously, women remain active participants in the maintenance or disruption of peace on a grander, interwoven scale. It is therefore assertions such as one of the contentious figure Lana Del Rey, that “a true feminist does what she wants”[40] misses the mark. Individual actions are not isolated, they contribute to and shape wider movements, either advancing or regressing collective rights, and acknowledge personal autonomy as inseparable from broader social responsibility, again tied to the outcomes of whether peace sustains or does not, and whether for better or for worse.

Therefore, there is not only one role that women play in peace consolidation but many that interact across each other in order of visibility, but despite this seeming hierarchy all ranks of the ‘pecking order’ are equally relevant in the fact that all share a quality of leadership in their ability to affect on both wider and deeper magnitude. Across The Trunchbulls, Marthas, Chosen Ones, Pin-Up Dolls, Mothers and Individuals, whose leadership is most inherent and intertwined, all are capable of more than one outcome. Women for the various reasons as explored may steer towards or away from peace, whether intentionally or inadvertently, for progression or for its opposite. Yet in any case an unmatched significance remains, to the extent of a recognised superiority that remains unspoken because it has been historically feared. And in recent times where conservative values and restrictions on women at all levels appear to be in resurgence, it appears that for many Western nations this may be the transitory period out of male-dominated rule, and its resulting ideas on what peace necessitates. By sensing this threat to its survival, attempts to restore some kind of peace emerge, but due to the lack of understanding that peace is not only the absence of war but the internal presence of justice, present and future implications suggest an unprecedented level of turmoil, which, for the right kind of peace, may be necessary.

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