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Gender theory in the context of power relations and asymmetries between nations can be understood as not only how ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ presenting people interact with and shape the world but in terms of wider symbols and metaphysical representations, such as the implication of the Global South being feminised in relation to a phallocentric Global North. However, while much of the discussion on inequality will naturally be oriented towards the historically undermined feminine aspect, it is necessary to remember that both constructs of masculine and feminine can be used as tools to explain, reinforce, or exacerbate, the global world order at present. With the use of relative masculinity and femininity as tools, this can be seen in their contradictory applications to maintain a shared outcome. For example, on the masculine aspect a country can be framed as such to be seen as ‘dignified’, yet also to be seen as ‘savage’, either way maintaining hierarchy through the fluid use of gender, as there is more than one image of masculinity or femininity to be applied wherever convenient. Whereas on the feminine aspect, this can be used both in terms of implying passivity and compliance or the opposite as tumultuous and unruly, a resurrection of the Victorian ‘hysteric woman’, in need of intervention from a paternal hand [1] . Arguably the involvement of religion aggravates this, and while not all Western nations are as overtly tied to their practices of Christianity as the US appears to have reinterpreted [2] , it remains a substantial part of the history and decisions made before and in process to be made again, regarding other lands seemingly promised to them. Just as Manifest Destiny [3]  was encouraged with the idea of God, so does a certain self-superiority, whether for misaligned sainthood or to excuse territorial, militaristic, profitable entitlement, continue to thrive in the globalised land that becomes de-realised and re-conceptualised through media, as well as gore capitalism, and the interactions that take place on a micropolitical scale, which still add to the collective conscious [4]  of where the world is heading.   In one aspect, countries that have been feminised face the removal of agency in discussing their own policies as well as in being spoken about or for rather than with. A case could be Afghanistan, where, combined with the perceived Orient [5]  and the specific narrative of brown women in need of saving [6] , sensationalises the issue into a wider case of liberalisation being used to excuse a phallic-militaristic intervention that does not seek to help but serve its own purpose and further destruction. In some ways, this also resembles the Iraq War, where the rhetoric of bringing democracy and liberation was used to mask a neo-imperialism that led to the region being further destabilised and the people to hold a justifiably severe mistrust of the West. Here again, the justification leaned on gendered tropes, portraying the country as backward, volatile, and in need of discipline, with little regard for the (non-Western and therefore observed, yet still unseen) lives of the people. In such places death arguably has more value, when we compare to the extents made to save individual civilians, tourists, if they are from the West compared to the wars’ progresses in the regions being measured and valued by the increasing number of the dead, a newfound currency and simultaneous objectification of both the individuals who become less individual, and the country as a whole. While it is true that death counts have always been a unit of measure, there is an undeniable element of sentimentality and heroism that differentiates the reporting of war in these separate parts of the world that makes Western intervention more like the case of the killing of the buffaloes in Manifest Destiny era [7] . Then with the case of brown women in need of saving, specifically by a white man, as Spivak’s Native Dependent [8] , this not only applies to the aforementioned countries but also Mexico, where the ‘saving from’ implicitly demonises the male population and by extension the country as a whole. Therefore, through both male and female constructs a country’s inferiority is assumed. How this follows here is that first, it may be viewed as a junior trading partner rather than an equal. Further, through the female labour force disproportionately working in domestic roles, healthcare, and caretaking in the global North, as is similar with the Philippines also, the affected countries not only face the consequences of a ‘brain drain’, losing a skilled labour force, but also from a reinforcement of their position in the global gendered order where the resources being taken service the North already at historical advantage, while simultaneously hindering domestic, and through collective conscious the international, political progress around gender equality and perceptions of gender roles. Filipino nurses and migrant women workers exemplify this pattern, performing invisible labour [9]  that underpins global health and social systems, yet remain marginalised in both their countries of origin and the countries where they work. Their reputation as being compliant and hospitable further puts them at risk of racial and capital exploitation. Or, even with Filipino men employed abroad, many are also put into precarious positions and are similarly in service or subordinated roles, particularly in Saudi Arabia [10] . Where Mexico and the Philippines diverge is in how masculinisation plays into their narratives. In Mexico, masculinisation coexists with feminisation, which then both reinforce the nation’s image as inferior. On the one hand, Mexico is seen as in need of help or chaotic (the feminised hysteric), and on the other, it is framed through the trope of the ‘savage’ or the violent male. The machismo culture, which may itself have been exacerbated by externally imposed feminisation [11] , only feeds this dual image. Naturally, internal issues of gender inequality fuel further conflict, reinforcing external stereotypes and halting progress. Moreover, the gender dynamics within a country, between certain people or groups, are often taken as a reflection of its broader societal development, even internationally. While in the Philippines, due to its shared colonial history with Spain, similar dynamics exist concerning the presence of machismo, such as territorial fights between men concerning women, and a culture of infidelity that appears to be omnipresent in its domestic media [12] , much like the tropes associated with telenovelas in Latin America. Yet, the countries are made subordinate in different ways. Where Mexico is considered Latin and thus arguably more racially proximate to whiteness, its machismo is allowed more visibility. Although this masculine element does not power but is specifically used again as a symbol of inferiority, wildness, in tandem with the female hysteric. While in contrast, the Philippines, by being Asian, is subject to Orientalist framings, leading to its figurative castration [13]  that disallows a similar degree of masculinisation, keeping it instead more specifically to a feminised, submissive role, and then played against other nations by this implied passivity being upheld as ‘model’ behaviour [14] . Ultimately, both countries, in relation to the Global North, are embodied in the phenomenon of being target destinations for ‘passport bros’. These are Western men, almost always white or white-identifying, who seek romantic or sexual relationships abroad, specifically in places of deep poverty and, as implied, high passivity. Much like the moral ambiguities of the liberalisation reasonings and even perhaps the IMF [15] , these women often become a violated body much like their country as a whole, exposing not only the neocolonial fantasies of conquest but also to the enduring gendered hierarchy between nations.   These effects are then consolidated with their presentation, the ideology that has not died but continues to exist and be repurposed through the media. Which is not only limited to the news but the realm of entertainment, which, while vastly different by way of presentation are both still vehicles for the same purposes, to inform but persuasively. With famous works such as Pocahontas, Dances with Wolves, Madame Butterfly, The Last Samurai,  and even Avatar following a similar arc to the way in which humanitarian crises are reported as somewhat spectacle, somewhat tragedy but in a way that is prepared to profit and appeal to a Western gaze, an international currency. These collective fantasies soften real power asymmetries under misleading empathy [16] . While these tropes of inferiority and superiority have been embedded for much longer, these more recent examples illustrate the continuity of this narrative structure wherein countries that have been feminised are portrayed as weak or violated bodies subject to external control. Military or economic powers assert dominance, even in the very language as will become more apparent when describing international, where ‘strong’ dominates ‘soft’. And with the normalisation of these relationships in both cultural and informative pieces of media an empathy fatigue follows, if not a sensationalism that would have also served the ‘default’ viewing country. What then happens is that (Western) audiences become desensitised to reports of suffering, particularly when the reports all begin to look and sound the same. This is in itself a process concerned with the continuation of ideology [17] , a reverse empathising by appearing to supply the opposite, as well as a mentality that encourages a sense of inevitability about the world order which is not inherently true but functions to hinder its subversion.   While the focus so far has been on female-coded portrayals, the media space also allows for the analysis of how masculinisation can be applied and read in alternative ways. For instance, the element of homoeroticism that is generally used satirically to mock or demean, but the figures portrayed more specifically as ‘bottom’, and thereby perceived as being closer to a woman, receives less respect than the homoerotic ‘top’. For example, as Trump becomes increasingly polarising, even losing what was once a staunchly Republican demographic, more satirising content is generated and moved around not only mocking him but doing so in a way where he specifically takes on the role of ‘bottom’ [18] . And similarly with JD Vance, features associated with a stereotypically ‘feminine male’ such as eyeliner [19]  and the roundedness or softness of his facial features, are key components in the materials used to lambast him. Although in this dynamic both are relatively disliked to similar levels and as such there is less of a clear ‘top’ or ‘bottom’ and simply ‘bottom’, unless media is being produced specifically in their support than they will be traditionally masculinised again. Although none of this here is a recent phenomenon and has in fact been applied for much longer. From the depictions of Hitler and Stalin kissing in light of the Nazi-Soviet pact [20] , with Stalin depicted as the top and Hitler the bride as almost unanimous perceptions proved to be much more critical of Hitler’s general policies as opposed to Stalin’s, to Christianity’s history of demonisation towards gay culture, terming ‘sodomy’ as an explicit sin and encouraging the use and development of conversion camps, to some of the first politicians of the world that functioned similarly as our own in the era of Ancient Rome and Greece, where homosexuality was not the problem in itself but who ‘bottomed’ that was. Alternatively, where leaders of other countries denounce their LGBTQ+ population, the primary fear again is not of all homoeroticisms but more so this act of ‘sodomy’, and in younger, especially male, audiences, this denigration has been received with respect [21] . Uganda, where the government passed one of the harshest anti-LGBTQ+ laws in the world including legislation that criminalises same-sex relations with punishments as extreme as life imprisonment or death penalty, has been praised by many male youths both domestically and internationally as an act of moral and national defence. Although the alienation of any significant demographic eventually leads to the demise or sustained demise of any nation, whether ‘developed’ or ‘developing’ [22] . Evidentially, this is more concerned with the ‘bottom’, because those they may identify as ‘a top’ whether towards women or men is revered. For example, in many male grifter movements there are elements of homoeroticism involved with the way in which these audiences express excessive admiration of their claimed leaders, with some even expressing an unironic fantasy to be with Andrew Tate surrounded by children, holding one of them, and seeing one ‘crawl through Andrew’s legs’ [23] , or otherwise the usual commenting on their ‘attractiveness’ even compiling edits to showcase this, but because it frames their admired one as the top this does not alert their selective homophobia. Macron is another figure that similarly is masculinised, homoerotically, but to be the top. Even when Trump attempts to assert himself through the unnecessarily rough handshakes and touches he has been known to use with other political leaders, because of Macron’s higher reputation this only results in Trump potentially being framed as ‘the needy one’ while the French president maintains a respectable nonchalance so to speak. His specific form of masculinisation that applies to both homoerotic and heteronormative lenses [24]  is generally treated with more legitimacy and respect and can be used to enhance a country’s impression of its place in the global hierarchy.   Then countries that are more overtly masculinised such as Russia, occupy a distinct space where they receive more international respect than the feminised nations, but neither by way of admiration nor alliance, rather, they are perceived chiefly as a threat [25] . Similarly, but with a much different history, China is an example of a country that shows subversion of this gendered global inequality. Having been previously feminised in tandem with ‘the Orient’ and increasingly seen as another masculine contender in its neo-colonisation of Africa [26] . However, the methods are arguably still reinforcing what has been present, which then precedes the questioning, of whether for a country to become respected, to break the existing gendered world order and achieve a genuinely anarchic reset outside of the current ‘anarchic world order’ which in truth maintains hierarchy, it must adopt the same strategies of gore capitalism [27]  as those already in power. The success of such strategies in past wars suggests that to some extent this strategy functions, but at which costs and with what long-term sustainability? Arguably a country that has subverted the dynamics to another extent is Ukraine, where there is a masculine quality that has been reached but without the country being seen by much of public perception and in other national decisions as a threat. Through Zelensky’s image he has claimed the masculine ‘dignified’ as opposed to receiving the masculine ‘savage’ or ‘aggressor’. Particularly in the meeting when Trump and JD Vance attempted to demean him for not wearing a suit, he arguably feminised them instead despite their speaking over him, where his restraint made them seem more uncollected and his responses clarifying that they appear to be concerned with irrelevant matters in light of the war, making them seem not only irrational but frivolous as it is seen that ‘a traditional man’ is not chiefly concerned with his fashion.   By consequence and in tandem with, many nations have become more wary of Trump and the US as a whole, which has affected global diplomacy as it becomes increasingly more apparent that nations which were long seen as indefinitely first world, have started to blur the lines between developed and developing. As the country struggles under instability and due to its ruined perception to other countries, Mexico has outright rejected new agreements, other countries have withdrawn from deals, and some global commentators now suggest that the U.S. may never fully recover its soft power, even if conditions improve. [28] China has also been responding to the tariff threat by raising theirs and the US suffers. The people inside begin to feel the effects, to the point where poverty no longer only affects an ignorable, simply ‘inevitable’ [29]  minority but becomes a defining characteristic of the country as a whole. Many even whose families first immigrated there for opportunities are leaving back to places formerly perceived as ‘the global poverty’ in itself, or otherwise stereotypically dangerous, such as the Caribbean.               However, contrary to these there is a ‘dignified feminine’ that is possible albeit underexplored. Rather than using the same domination techniques of many nations and empires before, it is possible and much more sustainable to harness leadership qualities in light of the matriarchs that used to govern before much of the colonisation process that continues through both capitalistic and religious means [30] .               Fortunately, there are signs indicating a hope for return to the presence of genuine matriarchs, the point of genuineness being made because a woman in power if influenced still by patriarchal terms is not inherently the same subject [31] . Of the following indicators it could be suggested that the full bush movement as part of a general rebellion against lookism that seeks to limit the ability of female leadership and creativity develop, expresses the advent of this paradigm transition. Naturally, it has been noted that when the feminine is associated with personal appearances more than the other side, first it devalues the element of achievement as first in order for it be recognised the lookism aspect must be achieved first. Then, to maintain this imposed obligation it takes a relative amount of time, energy, and money, that deducts from time otherwise spent as an individual [32] . Further it is a sense of imposed uniformity, something that all women are ‘supposed’ to engage in. And lastly it would have otherwise maintained the dynamic of consumer and consumed, the subordinate that should not be.   Similarly, spiritualism and the occult becoming an increasingly more common practice over traditional Abrahamic religions expresses the upheaval of former androcentrism because there is a largely masculine aspect attached to these former religious structures whereas an eclectic approach not only encourages individuality and therefore again the capacity of women and the feminine to be more than the current ideals presented, but also advocates for matriarchal figures directly where much of the ruling powers are specifically identified as she [33] , besides its strong ties to ecofeminism [34] and the emphasis of women’s intuitive abilities over men. And since the value of what is living is often determined by their level of sentience, it would not be unreasonable to suggest that this superior quality of intuition being realised would make more apparent the overall superiority in the dignified feminine to lead instead of the masculine equivalent, of which there truly is none. By contrast, while God is explicitly a neutral force, most would attempt to picture an old man due to the assigned pronouns which are in fact not neutral. While some do say that the male pronoun functions grammatically as a universal, this does not remove the effect of placing the masculine at the centre of world order, and this is significant as much of language and its structure is a choice rather than pure function [35] . Furthermore, the image is not natural or inherent either, because something ‘all seeing and all knowing’, that ‘keeps living’, ‘creates life’, sounds much more like a woman than a man as not only for the inherently female ability of intuition, enhanced empathy to truly see all, but also women’s life spans averaging longer [36]  and the implication that God may have been constructed the way He was from womb envy, the frustration that women have the capability to create life and for men to attempt to claim that power in some form. With individual men further re-enacting a neo-embodied colonialism on women, whether directly through manipulation to access their physical intimacy, or through a sense of entitlement that either leads to the discussion toward, or unwanted action toward women, or even direct violence, or in fact attempting to shape attitudes so that women will be ‘pit against each other’ and land in ‘a pecking order’, through the ‘Decentring of Men’ [37]  movement women’s collectivism is instead resurging. This is significant because of collectivism being a much more apparent element of womanhood culture as opposed to the present-day masculine construct. And it is an aspect necessary for revolution that has been encouraged to be diminished through assimilation both into male culture and generally Western culture, where it has been proven that there is not only a struggle in the Western left’s approach in matters of radical revolution [38] , but also in the ability of white Western feminists to connect with non-Western feminists [39] . Lastly, the greatest indicator of substantial change is that there is much stronger pushback against not only female leaders individually but that feminine dignified that overrides the previously established ‘male dignified’, more so than ever before. As seen in layered examples such as the documented rise in male students refusing to accept authority specifically from female teachers, citing them as less ‘deserving’ of respect than their male counterparts. Public discourse surrounding ‘wokeness’ and by extension education in its entirety even has become increasingly gendered, with many young men looking down on higher education as a result of women’s successes in the field. Further the rise of incel attacks and communities formed, and the reporters who, whether inadvertently or intentionally, also express pushback against female progression by sympathising with ‘the male loneliness epidemic’, the word ‘loneliness’ blanketing much of the demographic as subjects to empathise with. Overall, these rejections in light of an increasing feminised authority illustrate a deeper discomfort not limited to specific women individuals in leading roles but with the wider transformation of leadership itself into a world where matriarchal figures may be possible, which again, is an entirely separate distinction from simply women in leadership roles [40] .   Besides key aspects already revealed to play a part in this coming subversion both for countries domestically and between each other across both hemispheres, another way to enhance the resurgence of a progressive, female collectivism is to renormalise dance. Where it was primarily the global north that sought to privatise traditionally communal and unpolished dance practices, such as Bachata, Bacardi, Twerking, Belly Dance, it gradually became taboo to dance both in general but especially in these styles in a way that became involved with objectification and lookism [41] . The introduction of shame despite a seemingly progressive, ‘liberal’, culture, that celebrates sexualisation initiated on its own Northern terms, such as through the sexual liberation movement and the advocation of a hook up culture, yet at the same time, and especially for coloured women, antagonised cultural dances as inappropriate and unacceptable. Either that or, again, it simply would become shameful and as a result less common to dance in public as an expectation was introduced for individuals to be polished before they could try [42] . But with deeper consideration, how can a group of people successfully enact radical change if the very same people have been made to be afraid or shamed out of light dancing? However, dance and cultural dances in accompaniment with a neglect of former pressures to maintain an attitude of nonchalance, have shown that there is progress. And with the case of belly dance it is similar, although a much more appropriated area, where the style in which the original owners so to speak of the dance are beginning to be rediscovered, and how before it became sexualised it was in fact a dance that women did in the presence of other women, as a part of getting ready for childbirth [43] . The reclaiming of this finds a metaphysical rebuttal to the phallocentric structuring of the world, where the Global South, long feminised and suppressed, reclaims its own codes not in compliance nor as the Oriental but as a strategy to destabilise the masculine illusion of superiority through androcentrism.     Ultimately, this rediscovered feminine construct enables an alternative subversion of the prevailing order to advance the global South and its people, without obliging the formerly applied cycles of violence, destruction, and instability that may acquire power as death becomes its own currency though it is a strategy that is not feasible for countries at a disadvantage to do so. While violence may be effective at provoking change, tumultuous uprisings such as the Arab Spring [44]  did not always achieve the aimed for objectives. In cases they exacerbated pre-existing insecurities, as understood by the realist-constructivist lens, leading to greater instability. As such a reframing of how disadvantaged nations should advance themselves is necessary, and as the world begins to move in a way where feminised leadership is naturally finding its appreciation, it is advisable even for all to adopt more soft power approaches, as well as to encourage the leadership of true matriarchs. These leaders would also be able to recognise the impact of a war crime that is most significant but goes unnoticed. Historically, rape as a tool of war is dismissed within male-dominated justice systems because as a predominantly masculine against feminine crime, they cannot conceptualise it in their own bodies and from there become detached compared to other war crimes that are ‘easier’ to imagine. 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Prompt: to critically examine the role women play in peace consolidation. Introduction There is no singular role that all women play in peace consolidation. Instead, there are different roles which may support, or equally dismantle, the preservation and recovery of international stability. However, if there is any shared quality between the primary roles that will be explored, The Trunchbulls and The Marthas, Chosen Ones, Pin Up Dolls, Mothers and Individuals, it is that all the aforementioned have a greater capacity than their male counterparts [1]  to determine the outcome of a country’s peace efforts, whether for better or for worse and regardless of whether this power receives its appropriate recognition, of which a large part remains unrealised by both the self and others [2] . The under-acknowledged and therefore underused potential of women to take on a noticeably leading role in peace consolidation efforts has meant that the leadership already at play, through being able to enforce change that resonates more deeply and involves a wider variety of spheres for political influence [3] , still faces a cycle of anonymity as women of both individual and international scale remain separated from their power’s necessary self-actualisation. This limitation in part originates and continues from the underdeveloped leadership of other women who came before [4] , leading to the political androcentrism that continues to thrive today. Along with a more nuanced view on women in relation to political stability and rule, further consideration necessitates that not all stability and neither all female rule is inherently good nor progressive. As is easily dismissed under the androcentrism that prevails, women’s role in peace consolidation is not merely about keeping peace, but deciding what kind of peace exists. Equally significant, is that true peace is not only the absence of war but the presence of justice [5] , and women’s roles are central to defining whether societies move toward stability or oppression, where failure to recognise this would limit the overall effectiveness of future efforts towards sustaining or rebuilding stability.   The Trunchbulls Part of this sustained repression from leadership roles are The Trunchbulls, who have largely challenged aims toward international peace. For example, Thatcher’s authorisation of military operation against the Falkland Islands may not only have been a display of imperialism but, alongside it, a conventional display of masculinised force. This is because, through being the aggressor, connotations chiefly associated with the masculine arise [6] , and in male-dominated spheres such as global politics, masculinity through forward action, changes being made to physical appearances [7]  and views expressed by a woman against other women to promote manhood through its opposite association, all often contribute to a Trunchbull’s increased access to respectability in her field. This is further supported by separate statements made by Thatcher such as, “the feminists hate me, don’t they? And I don’t blame them, because I have succeeded where they have failed”, and “I owe nothing to women's lib” [8] , reflecting those who distance themselves from collective womanhood and adopt stereotypically masculine qualities to escape the treatment of other women. This treatment stems from the way collective womanhood is often equated with inferiority, meaning that qualities that would otherwise be strengths in diplomatic leadership such as peace-oriented policies, are instead viewed as passivity. As such, Trunchbulls are more likely to disrupt peace consolidation efforts by adopting these stereotypical images of masculinity and, therefore, supposed strength in leadership. The very characteristics that allow access to respectability often push toward practices that undermine international peace rather than sustain it, reinforcing the outdated notion that power necessitates force to prove itself. In other words, “Here is this woman who kills, who wants something, the woman who consumes her children, who wants too much, but not because she’s evil but because she wants her own life.” [9]     The Marthas Similar to The Trunchbulls in their denigration of other women to vie for political respectability are The Marthas. However, these figures adhere to traditionally feminine archetypes, presenting as such through peace-oriented strategies instead. Although this ‘peace’ often suppresses any revolution that is more than an act of violence and rather an act of necessity. A healthy democracy allows the opportunity for dialogue [10] , unlike Phyllis Schlafly’s contributions to the Reagan era, positioning herself as a defender of traditional family values to advocate against the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) [11] . By promoting domesticity and opposing feminist movements, she reinforced the preservation of social stability rather than challenging the oppressive structures that underpinned it. Her image [12] pertaining to feminine archetypes of care and protection subversively allowed her to wield power while simultaneously rejecting that women should directly hold positions of authority. Mother Teresa similarly embodies the Martha archetype through service to a masculinised institution [13] , the Church and Pope, which limit equal female participation yet enable women to exercise a perceived level of influence. Her humanitarian efforts, though later questionable, positioned countries such as India in a positive light in its international diplomacy, associating a narrative of peace through this service [14] . However, the means by which her work was conducted were eventually criticised for their ethical implications, particularly regarding the conditions in her Missionaries of Charity [15] , though her gender and image made these difficult to address. As such, her contributions to peace consolidation are paradoxical, as The Marthas stabilise existing power structures rather than challenge the oppressive decisions made to reinforce its dominion. The Chosen Ones Overlapping with The Marthas are The Chosen Ones, although these more specifically assist another (male) leader, often through marriage, rather than acting as a figurehead in their own right. Their influence on peace consolidation, both in terms of conflict prevention and the ‘forgiveness period’ primarily operates through image or as a secret advisory, where contributions shape political outcomes without being known. Both reinforce present and retrospective stability, manipulating collective memory and perception of public events. For example, Imelda Marcos, wife of Filipino dictator Ferdinand Marcos, continued to have loyalists despite their oppressive rule [16] . Even after the regime's fall, her lingering influence contributed to a post-dictatorship climate where the electorate welcomed a direct successor within a generation [17] . This reflects how the enduring image of a female consort can shape public attitudes and soften the perception of authoritarian rule. Similarly, in Jordan, Queen Rania's polished and diplomatic presence supports the kingdom's image as one of the most stable monarchies in the Middle East. Her comment that she "spend(s) more time deciding on (her) clothes than anything else before meeting foreign leaders" [18]  emphasises the strategic relevance of appearance in soft power diplomacy. As such, her role helps to maintain domestic and international perceptions of Jordan as a stable, modernising state through image concerns while masking its underlying social and political restrictions [19] . Whereas the absence of a Chosen One weakens a male leader's image and by consequence his relations, as exemplified by the British monarchy. While Princess Diana's warmth softened public perception of the royal family, her absence exposed the institution's rigidity [20] . Comparing King Charles' later royal tours to when Princess Diana was alive, he and the entire concept of monarchy and British commonwealth faced much higher resistance [21] . Evidently, the monarchy has since struggled to maintain wider appeal, demonstrating how these figures act as mediators of rigid power structures to the public. As for the presence of Chosen Ones into the future, this role can assist the gradual integration into women as political leaders being normalised, as it provides an avenue for (relative) female authority in societies where overt female leadership is yet to reach full acceptance.   The Pin-Up Dolls Similarly connected with soft power strategies are the Pin-Up Dolls, who become the faces of political and social movements, often portraying ideas or values without necessarily intending to. This positioning fluctuates between ‘Madonna’ and ‘Whore’ archetypes [22] , each capable of representing either end of peace-oriented or non-peace-oriented goals, operating as both tools of suppression and as destabilising forces. There is also the disembodied version, where generalised feminine roles are applied to nations and cultures at large to justify a (Western-dominated) anarchic world order [23] .             Examining the aforementioned, those categorised as ‘Whore’ may do so in a self-actualised way that is meant to be subversive, or, be subjected to judgement that seeks to denigrate movements that have the potential to disrupt a nation’s status quo. With the former, inspiration is sourced from broader societal discomfort concerning the female gaze, deviating from imposed norms and using the controversy to land greater impact, such as the militant suffragettes and the later resurgence of radical feminism [24] . Alternatively, it serves as a method of dismissal, whether to specifically target a woman’s influence in the political sphere by associating her with sexual impurity [25]  or through the overarching weaponisation of sexual violence in war, where countries are able to continue to enact war crimes without necessarily being penalised [26] . These therefore illustrate how the archetype can be used for or against women’s political influence. Where deviating from traditional ideals of femininity such as through violent protest can act as a revolutionary disruption of peace, the role can also be used to diminish the ability of women to act as agents of peace in order to maintain authoritarian or militaristic control. The ‘Madonna’ side is similarly equivocal, functioning both as a source of inspiration for change and a tool for ideological control. In peace consolidation, it can be projected [27]  onto public figures to promote non-violence and conservative ideals, reinforcing a version of peace that prioritises stability over justice. At times women are thus sacrificed in public relations to serve political goals, as reflected in recently regressive fashion [28] . However, the martyr-like associations of women, despite originating from less progressive attitudes, possess a greater emotional appeal that enhances their ability to unify and persuade. As Gandhi stated, "Suffering is the badge of the strong… the law of life… the way to salvation." [29]  In this archetype, the suffering of women is especially idealised due to connotations of purity and passivity, the ultimate ‘peaceful protest’. This contrasts with the rebellious, non-sacrificial portrayal of the ‘whore’ archetype, as here instead it is the victimisation of women that disrupts peace [30] . Whereas on a more abstract level, the feminine has been tied to imperialist and authoritarian strategies, used to manipulate narratives of peace and war. The Nazi slogan "Kinder, Küche, Kirche" [31]  exemplified state use of the maternal figure to enforce national loyalty in times of war. Meanwhile women’s suffering may be used to justify military intervention as ‘liberation’ such as by "saving brown women from brown men" in non-Western countries [32] . Then on a wider scale, entire nations may be feminised to justify their exploitation, for example Edward Said critiques the British Empire’s feminisation of India to justify its colonial rule [33] . Additionally in the American context, the portrayal of Native American societies as "savage" and "uncivilised" by European colonisers served to justify the imposition of Western gender norms, undermining indigenous matriarchal structures. Indigenous nations were also feminised as being “weak” and in need of protection and control by settler colonial forces [34] . Therefore, global power dynamics appear to consist of dominant powers maintaining stability while disrupting the peace of the subordinate at hand, by manipulating the idea of the feminine and applying it to the context of peace consolidation or otherwise its disruption.   Mothers, Individuals, and Final Words Ultimately, the most intrinsic yet unseen aspect lies in the capacity to be both biological and social nurturers. Every mother is also an individual, and every woman acts as a mother in some way whether biologically or through relationships with friends, family, workplaces, their general environments, establishing women as omnipresent in the concerns of national, and thereby international peace efforts. From the very beginning women are the first point of contact with foundational worldviews. This influence is significant and therefore, authoritarian regimes place greater restrictions on women’s education and autonomy to control succeeding generations. The Romanian Orphan Study [35]  and Harlow’s Experiment [36]  illustrate how maternal care affects cognitive and emotional impairments, while research on the F-scale [37]  reinforces the importance of maternal influence in shaping resilience or submission. Societies that undermine women perpetuate a cultural and epigenetic transference of instability in the psyche that contributes to a destabilised peace, either by maintaining conditions for ongoing civil unrest, such as the exploitation of the DRC [38] , or by cultivating populations to be more susceptible to authoritarian control. In this way, women’s roles within the private sphere directly shape the public, making their treatment a critical factor in the consolidation or destruction of peace. Beyond maternal roles and the other described identities, individuals also act as vessels of leadership, influencing movements toward or away from peace. Women as individuals especially exhibit intuitive and emotional intelligence extending beyond biological spaces into communities, workplaces, and broader social structures. Intelligence agencies have researched these capacities, recognising their strategic value, and perhaps it is the inherent, though largely unspoken, knowledge of woman’s superiority in these fields that have prompted a defensive attempt to limit this power, through measures such as food denial and social repression through time [39] . Women’s influence then manifests not only through formal leadership but also in the everyday decisions that shape collective political consciousness. In both public and private spheres, they continue to function as both leaders and caregivers, extending maternal roles into communal and professional contexts. This duality of being both subject to and enforcer of political ideologies means that whether consciously or unconsciously, women remain active participants in the maintenance or disruption of peace on a grander, interwoven scale. It is therefore assertions such as one of the contentious figure Lana Del Rey, that “a true feminist does what she wants” [40]  misses the mark. Individual actions are not isolated, they contribute to and shape wider movements, either advancing or regressing collective rights, and acknowledge personal autonomy as inseparable from broader social responsibility, again tied to the outcomes of whether peace sustains or does not, and whether for better or for worse.   Therefore, there is not only one role that women play in peace consolidation but many that interact across each other in order of visibility, but despite this seeming hierarchy all ranks of the ‘pecking order’ are equally relevant in the fact that all share a quality of leadership in their ability to affect on both wider and deeper magnitude. Across The Trunchbulls, Marthas, Chosen Ones, Pin-Up Dolls, Mothers and Individuals, whose leadership is most inherent and intertwined, all are capable of more than one outcome. Women for the various reasons as explored may steer towards or away from peace, whether intentionally or inadvertently, for progression or for its opposite. Yet in any case an unmatched significance remains, to the extent of a recognised superiority that remains unspoken because it has been historically feared. And in recent times where conservative values and restrictions on women at all levels appear to be in resurgence, it appears that for many Western nations this may be the transitory period out of male-dominated rule, and its resulting ideas on what peace necessitates. By sensing this threat to its survival, attempts to restore some kind of peace emerge, but due to the lack of understanding that peace is not only the absence of war but the internal presence of justice, present and future implications suggest an unprecedented level of turmoil, which, for the right kind of peace, may be necessary.             Bibliography ABC News. (2016). 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(1997) Mother Teresa: Mirror of Bourgeois Guilt , Economic and Political Weekly, pp. 2856-2858 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4406036 ] [16]  Swartz, M. (1998) Imelda Marcos's Tears: Profile of the Philippines' First Lady , The New Yorker [Available at: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1998/04/20/imelda-marcos-tears-profile-philippines ] [17]  (2022) Marcos Jr., son of late Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos, to win presidential election , Le Monde [Available at: https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2022/05/10/marcos-jr-son-of-late-philippine-dictator-ferdinand-marcos-to-win-presidential-election_5982949_4.html ] [18]  Badarneh, Muhammad A. (2020) Discourses of Defense,  Discourse Studies, pp. 399-417 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26984535 ] [19]  (2022) Why Jordan’s Role as a Buffer State Is Being Tested  [Available at: https://rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/commentary/why-jordans-role-buffer-state-being-tested ] [20]  Conrad, J. (1999) Docile Bodies of (Im)Material Girls: The Fairy-Tale Construction of JonBenet Ramsey and Princess Diana, Wayne State University Press, pp. 125-169 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41388540 [21]  Airlgee, A. (2022) Royal tours: From adoration to alienation in the age of public scrutiny , History [Available at: https://history.airglee.com/royal-tours-from-adoration-to-alienation-in-the-age-of-public-scrutiny/ ] [22]  Kaplan, L.J. (1993) Fits and Misfits: The Body of a Woman , Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 457-480 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26303951 ] [23]  DeVore, M. R., & Stai, N. K. (2019) When Collaboration Works , European Review of International Studies, pp. 23 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26860760 ] [24]  Wood, E. (1995) Performing Rights: A Sonography of Women's Suffrage , The Musical Quarterly, pp. 606-618 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/742378 ] [25]  (2024) How Can You Vote for Someone Who Slept Her Way to the Top?  Philadelphia Gay News [Available at: https://epgn.com/2024/09/25/how-can-you-vote-for-someone-who-slept-her-way-to-the-top/ ] [26]   Boczar, A. (2022) An American Brothel: Sex and Diplomacy during the Vietnam War . The United States in the World , Ithaca: Cornell University Press, pp. 147-167 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctv1hw3wfn ] [27]  (2024) Is Nara Smith In on the Joke? The Aesthetics and Politics of the Food Influencer , University Observer [Available at: https://universityobserver.ie/is-nara-smith-in-on-the-joke-the-aesthetics-and-politics-of-the-food-influencer/ ] [28]  Stock, G. (2025) Pretty Little Thing and the Rise of Conservatism, Varsity [Available at: https://www.varsity.co.uk/fashion/29279 ] [29]  Gandhi, M. K. (1948) The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi . Volume 90, pp. 115-116 [Available at: https://www.gandhiheritageportal.org/ ] [30]  Horner, A. and Sue Z. (2016) Women and the Gothic: An Edinburgh Companion , Edinburgh University Press [Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt1bgzdfx ] [31]  Gupta, C. (1991) Politics of Gender: Women in Nazi Germany , Economic and Political Weekly, [Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4397988 ] [32]  Abu-Lughod, L. (2002) Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and Its Others,  American Anthropologist, pp. 783-790 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3567256 ] [33]  Said, E. W. (1978) Orientalism , Pantheon Books, p. 207 [34]  Weaver, H. (2001) Indigenous Identity: What Is It, and Who Really Has It? American Indian Quarterly, pp. 240-255 [Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1185952 ] [35]  Weir, K. (2014) The Lasting Impact of Neglect, APA [Available at: https://www.apa.org/monitor/2014/06/neglect ] [36]  Nortje A. (2021) Harry Harlow’s Monkey Experiments: 3 Important Findings, Positive Psychology [Available at: https://positivepsychology.com/harlow-experiment/ ] [37]  Adorno et al (1950) The Authoritarian Personality , Wikipedia article [Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Authoritarian_Personality ] [38]  Brown, C. (2012) Rape as a weapon of war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo , Torture Vol. 22, [Available at: ombrydning1-2012.indd ] [39] Wolf, N. (1990) The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty Are Used Against Women, Chatto and Windus, [Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Beauty_Myth ] [40]  Selby, J. (2014) Lana Del Rey: ‘Feminism is just not an interesting concept’, The Independent, [Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/lana-del-rey-feminism-is-just-not-an-interesting-concept-9491408.html ]

The statement that “Western Feminism has failed Muslim women” implies that Muslim women are alienated from the movement and that this separation is at a point of irreconcilability. However, the statement leaves the following open to interpretation: which branches truly qualify as “Western feminism”, which “Muslim women” of what practices are chiefly affected, and whether other factors have also failed Muslim women, if not to a greater extent. Ultimately, rather than this division being an issue of feminism itself, it seems more likely to be a consequence rooted in the long withstanding conflicts between the Islamic world and the Western, which will only become more pronounced through time as what was once an imposed hegemony, quickly gives way to its contemporary rivals on the global stage1. To begin with, Western feminism would seem to describe feminism “that is chiefly originated in, and practiced in the West”. However, there are several issues to this. One is that in an increasingly interconnected world through globalisation and the advancement of technology, hardly is there any one thing that is practiced in any one place2. Second, most Western feminists have departed or evolved from the idea which the phrase may connote, namely fourth-wave feminism, which became criticised for its lack of intersectionality and internal divisions3, breaking primarily into liberal versus radical feminism. Of these two, liberal feminism arguably aligns more with Western values and the provided definition, whereas radical feminism, while also originating in the West, was formed in response to areas lacking in liberal feminism and has found greater resonance on a global scale4. However, since an increasing number of Western conservatives5 have taken to radical feminism, the movement may become as Western-centric as liberal feminism, displacing its non-Western followers, of which, due to perceptions of what constitutes ‘Western’, Muslim women are included. Therefore, both movements can be explored in relation to the statement that Western feminism has failed Muslim women. Liberal feminism, because of its closeness to, despite attempted departure from, fourth wave feminism, arguably poses a greater failure to Muslim women than radical feminism. While attempts to be more inclusive have been made6, the issue of intersectionality in practice still stands, which is exacerbated by the fact that liberal feminism is tied to Western values that are both politically and religiously at odds with Muslim values such as the sexual liberation movement. This, as well as choice feminism, have both been challenged to suggest that liberal feminism may be less a symbol of progression and more so a product of continued exploitation. For example, a key assumption is that empowering individuals within existing systems will lead to a more just and equal society. But the critical part is ‘within existing systems’, emphasising the freedom of the individual but lacking the consideration for a wider systemic change not only in legislation but in cultural norms and perceptions means that any suggested way of individual freedom still falls under the continuation of the system it criticises7. This applies to the sexual liberation movement which tends to prioritise personal choices without addressing the larger systemic inequalities that shape those choices, often occurring within patriarchal systems that commodify and objectify women's bodies. As such, women’s objectification can continue to be profited on under the guise of individual empowerment. Similarly, choice feminism overemphasises the individual, celebrating all choices made without questioning whether they reinforce or challenge systemic oppression, such as plastic surgery to conform to patriarchal beauty norms or having low standards for male partners8, which undermine the movement’s collective goals. This lack of cohesion makes the already unattractive even more so, as Muslim women are already separated from the movement’s lack of applicability to cultural norms outside the West, such as collectivism, modesty, or spiritual fulfilment over individualistic ideals. Moreover, the assumption that emancipation must align with the West risks erasing the agency of Muslim women who actively choose their religion and repeating the marginalisation of Muslims by the West through time. Conversely, radical feminism offers a stance that is greater in its universality, as many cultures outside the West have taken to it with significant action9. This is likely because the movement accounts for previous shortfalls such as the enabling of sexual exploitation and the dilution of a movement through an uncritical, unquestioning stance on all choices made, instead, it takes a clear and steadfast approach for cohesion and clarity, strengthening its capacity for real progress. However, this branch has similarly started to face criticisms for falling subject to the continuation of patriarchal, and in this case also conservative, values such as coining ‘the divine feminine’10, imposing and excluding based on misleadingly progressive beauty standards under the guise of a ‘female gaze’11, supporting the rising trad wife trends but only when it looks a certain way12, conforming to a racial hierarchy13, failures to ‘decentre’ men and the questionable politics of its speakers14. Another criticism it has started to face is a certain rigidity in its views toward men or masculine traits that polarise people who either present that way or have a certain appreciation for such aspects. This may include Muslim women who grew up with more traditional gender norms that included positive examples of masculinity, as tradition does not always necessitate oppression but may also serve as a cornerstone of stability and role model behaviour. This polarisation however does not limit itself to gender but to race and culture as well, as radical feminism in some aspects also struggles with intersectionality15, displacing its potential for greater resonance with Muslim women. Then again, what does or does not resonate with ‘Muslim women’ must be deconstructed in order to be properly understood, as it is a broad term that cannot scale all the differences between all the practising or hereditary16 Muslims of the world. These experiences are made different chiefly by secularism and geopolitics, however, one factor that can in some ways tie these experiences together is a shared marginalisation from or within Western cultures. Understandably, there has always been an omnipresent tribalism that takes precedence when one hegemony is presented with the threat of another, but more than tribalism on an individual level is a very real and directly overt alienation of a moulded Muslim monolith. What this means is that the idea of Muslims as homogenous in practice has been purposefully created and solidified to justify their treatment as political scapegoats. For example, 9/11 and the following ‘freedom wars’17, racial profiling for ‘security concerns’18, the ‘freedom house’ as a means of continued corruption19, and the fact that both in the modern and historical world the Arabic region directly disproves the idea of western hegemony. This can be seen in its history as another colonial power, making it more likely to threaten the hegemony implied because it disrupts the assumption that the West is a dominant power and deserves to be treated as such for its supposed advancements over other nations, which is significant as Western capitalism tends to favour a monopolistic view on financial and political power20. Adding on to this threat, is the ever-growing certainty of Arabic nations such as Saudi Arabia taking further precedence in the near future21, as well as the fact that the US is already ‘under the thumb’ of certain countries such as Iran22. These perceived threats contribute to a trickle-down effect in Western media wherein Muslim representation, even in seemingly innocuous media such as Disney’s Aladdin, contribute to their historical othering thus far23. Other countries too in the West, such as France and the UK, not only maintain an inherently racist attitude in media sources such as the news or stories which are ultimately inspired by the news, but also in overt legislative action24. Thereby, Western feminism cannot be separated from the fact that it is Western, and as such it is unlikely that its branches can ever be considered truly intersectional, even to Muslim women who have grown up in and are a part of the Western world. For Muslim women who do not reside in any one of such Western countries, it could be argued that Western feminism does not fail them because its reach does not extend to that point, where other factors instead override the impact of Western feminism. For example, a significant factor in the differences of experience between Western and non-Western Muslims is their given sect, which is tied also to the cultural practices pertaining to each individual’s nation or national background. This is where secularism and geopolitics are undeniable contenders in the applicability of Western feminism in the first place. While there have been some cases of successful attempts to integrate its Muslim followers, these attempts are essentially too far and few between, falling short of any significant long-term impact25. Further, the idea that Western feminism and Western values necessitate progress is inherently flawed and an arguably colonialist perspective26. Similarly flawed is the assumption that anything non progressive is ‘backwards’ and that by comparison the future is progress itself. Rather, there have been many cases where progress was lost with time, and in Muslim countries where the religion is used for oppression27, as it is a misconception that the religion itself is the oppression, it in fact happened that previous eras were more accommodating to the rights of Muslim women than they later became28. And this is a critical aspect that much of the Western feminist movement fails to understand, that any criticisms should be directed towards the given geopolitical landscapes as opposed to the Muslim women for practicing Islam29. Some may argue in this context that bigger failures to Muslim women would be Muslim men who similarly misuse the religion30, as a corrupt government can only be maintained if enough individuals are willing to support its existence. But not only for this reason, as it has been suggested that on a more universal level, it seems to be a primordial condition of all or most men to fail their society’s women31. While these secondary factors provide some relevant further context, the issue is that these views may inadvertently overemphasise the role of the individual again in comparison to wide-scale structural injustices, as well as unnecessarily villainise Muslim men and thereby Muslim women also32. Therefore, of all the aforementioned, it would seem most largely prevalent to discuss the wider cultural practices affected by land and secularism, that maintain the division between Muslim women and Western feminism. As established, it is not the religion itself but the way it is practised according to individual states, and despite all religions having the capacity to be interpreted in better or worse ways, Islam is unjustifiably targeted due to the East-West divide that continues to be perpetuated in an increasingly tense political climate33. Of its branches, Sufism tends to be received more favourably by a Western perspective, primarily because of its adaptability to personal spirituality and interfaith exploration. Whereas Salafism takes a stricter stance on the practice of Islam, advocating for a return to the way Islam was practised by the first three generations of prophets and more openly defying any imposition of Western hegemonic encroachment. However, the assumed progressiveness of each sect depends more on the countries they are practised in, as in relation to the discussion of women’s rights, India and Pakistan are not exempt from challenges concerning this issue despite potentially being seen as adopting the more ‘progressive’ branch of Islam34. Further, because these countries are non Western, they are viewed by some Western feminists through a lens of white privilege, adopting either a saviour complex that prevents their approaches from resonating35, or worse, provides an opportunity for lobbyist behaviour to develop36. In either circumstance, it remains imminent that the specific practices of each country carry a much larger bearing on the rights received by Muslim women, and that the failures of Western feminism to include Muslim women in non Western countries is rooted in the fact that it is primarily Western, before it is feminist, as the original definition of feminism had universal intentions on the advocacy for women’s rights. Comparatively, failures of the Western feminist movement to fairly include Muslim women should be felt more strongly by Muslim women in Western countries, as while many of the efforts do not reach outside its cultural spheres37 and thereby fail but to a lesser degree with non-Western Muslims, Western Muslims are confronted with Western feminism and its flaws on a more regular basis. From education to media to general cultural norms of individualism and competition that alienates and divides, as well as other factors that differentiate Western Muslims from non-Western such as the fact that secularism plays less of a role in the practice of the religion38 and that most have been presented with wildly varying world views, both of which contribute to the sense of autonomous choice to practice Islam, which would then overall increase the Muslim woman’s separation from, and justified scepticism of, what Western feminism has to offer. In addition to this, Western Muslims may be even harder to convince toward Western feminism with the consideration that immigrant women or offspring of immigrant mothers, who become minorities and face minority treatment due to their environment, develop a mistrust toward White women because this demographic tends to be the key propagators of their marginalisation in daily life39 and equally coincide with tending to be the main representation of large feminist movements40. Altogether this means that the Western Muslim woman is by no means less separated from, or thereby less disillusioned by, the Western feminist movement than the non-Western Muslim woman. Both have been failed and it appears unlikely that the movement in its current state could reverse the impacts it still continues to have41. In conclusion, Western feminism primarily has failed, and continues to fail, Muslim women for the fact that it is Western above all else and thereby remains separate to all that is perceived as non-Western. Second to this is the inherent instability of the movement, and even within its subdivisions, not only for its pertaining issues with intersectionality and the implications of a colonialist undertone, but also for contradictions that reduce overall credibility. Further, there is a reductive stance normalised towards the experience of Muslim women and related issues that misdirect any potential for meaningful change toward their continued subjugation to unfairly antagonising portrayals, whether inadvertent or meant. Ultimately, under all that has been examined, it does not seem likely that these failures should improve. And as such, the Western-centric aspect must be removed for access to greater cross cultural resonance and the encouragement of genuine inclusion that inspires challenges toward wider systemic injustices as originally intended, instead of its potential being overshadowed by an overwhelming lack of cohesion. Bibliography: Abu-Lughod (2013) Do Muslim Women Need Saving? Harvard University Press Ahmed L. (1992) Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. Yale University Press Ahmed, S. (2017) Living a Feminist Life. Duke University Press Al-Rasheed, M. (2018) Salman’s Legacy: The Dilemmas of a New Era in Saudi Arabia. Hurst Publishers Aziz, S. (2023) Muslim Women in the West in the Crosshairs of Zionists, White Feminists. Medium. Banet-Weiser, S. (2018) Empowered: Popular Feminism and Popular Misogyny. Duke University Press Crenshaw K. (1991) Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color. Stanford Law Review Fawcett, L. (2013) International Relations of the Middle East. Oxford University Press Haddad, Y. Y. (1984) Islamic Values Among American Muslims. Oxford University Press Hooks, Bell (2004) The Will to Change: Men, Masculinity, and Love. Washington Square Press --- (1981) Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism. South End Press. Jalal A. (1991) The Convenience of Subservience: Women and the State of Pakistan. Macmillan Kapoor, N. (2018) Deport, Deprive, Extradite: 21st Century State Extremism. Verso Books Mamdani, M. (2004) Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror. Pantheon Books Mernissi, F. (1975) Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in Modern Muslim Society. Schenkman Publishing Company Modood, T. (2005) Multicultural Politics: Racism, Ethnicity, and Muslims in Britain. University of Minnesota Press Mohamed, O. (2019) How Intersectionalism Betrays the World’s Muslim Women. Quillette Mohanty CT. (2003) Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity. Duke University Press --- (1988). Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses. Feminist Review Naciri, R. (2020) Western Feminism and Its Failures in the Context of Muslim Women’s Experiences. Journal of Gender Studies Puddington, A. (2008) Freedom House and the Global Campaign for Freedom. Democracy Journal Quinn, K. (2018) A Critical Evaluation of Western Feminism. The Corinthian Said, E. W. (1978) Orientalism. Pantheon Books Seerung, I. (2019) Reflections on the Mainstreaming of Intersectionality. Midwest Journal of Undergraduate Research Shaheen, J. G. (2001) Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies a People. Interlink Publishing Group Spivak GC. (1988) Can the Subaltern Speak? University of Illinois Press Wadud A. (2006) Inside the Gender Jihad: Women's Reform in Islam. Oneworld Publications Zakaria, R. (2021) Against White Feminism. W.W. Norton & Company

If I move now, very slight and slow, without breath as I can only do, you will see the little nubs of my back marking their place to remind us, ‘this spine is here’, no matter how useless. Before my figure got twisted by time and covered in its purple lightning, my hair used to be as black and heavy as the stagnant space this house still floats on. Now all is white and transparent as the froth that gathers in the cracks of this floorboard. When the black swamp underneath will grow to anger again. The next great flood is what I ask for, measuring the day it comes by the mark the water leaves on that small white church staring back at me through our distance. And there never has been any life around, but the golden cackle of this church’s bell returns every hour without fail. And following all the evenings before, the sun starts to redden and swell as the swamp drags it down. The white church turns blue while the birds leave to give us our peace. One flies a little slower, gets eaten by a crow. I hear the little bones breaking, but apart from that nothing. Despite its end, the bird’s last expression reminds me of a person who I think is still alive. *** This house does not exist in normal proportion. To the uppermost corner of a long rose-hue building, both blinded by yet equally hidden from the sun, a disconnected woman flew upstairs. She knelt on ornamental-style rugs asking a God of someone or some other to infiltrate my mind, knowing if she’d ask for anything herself that the foreigner’s man would always say no. So through the force of herself alone, the outside humidity became a pumping muscle, branded with the sweat of hot candied apple, seafood boils, various thick sauces all coloured blistering red, chicory coffee, the raspy breath of screaming vendors in multitudes. They were all seeming to fight against me as I pushed my way out. Then as if with the force of the black river that consumed so many of us before, my wish was chosen over hers. Our bodies all collided into the streetcar missing its name, which sank under the solemn air released in the crowd’s sighing. But there was something withheld, until I realised the people were no longer looking at the windows or the floor but to me. I was about to speak when a woman holding flowers leaned in forward to me, commanding in silence to look behind. Which I did but only as slow as possible. Knowingly, there stood the blue-eyed wish I brought to life. Whose irises turned white as the streetcar ran between pockets of the sun’s absence. I tried to smile but the enamel face hovered unforgiving and frozen, all the belonging drained like an abscess because of the cynical mistake I had made, by refusing to believe in the inherent goodness of Theo Lovey before he took himself apart. *** The sky unclothed had revealed a depth in its ribcage, which broke past the bones and anchored itself to the very essence of the looming house. All underwater, lucid and wavering under the pressurising blue, I felt the moon at its fullest had been swallowed and stuck in my throat. The ivy veins of the building wrapped around the sack of my stomach. The floorboards moved along with the entire house by the tremor of the strings with which my mother in the basement ached her bow against. For a being with seemingly no feeling or thought besides furniture and green, she would be a hurting creature by night, keeping on with the swelling of the moon in my throat and aggravating the stars, from their droning blue to hot white pulsating wounds. And through some sorrowful greed, the misery of the women across the other floors directly fed her content. All their features different but equally telling of the specific way a child’s first laughter is only known and memorised by a wind that nobody felt. While some were older most were younger, almost as young as myself. And the happiness that they were feeding was partially my own, against my choice. For this reason I avoided them. Being the only real child there, I meditated on the jester doll sat on my windowsill by my mother, to pretend I never saw what I did. The only non-woman here, it had white skin, one eye painted a separate blue to the other, silver eyeshadow, black hair under the jester hat swooped mildly over the right side, straight passive brows each, quiet nose, placid pink mouth, little hoops, two on one ear, by the side with the swoop, the other none, one silver and the second a murky gold. The clothing itself was all stripes of glinting green. Its texture rough but very touchable, with purple and slight touches of that ambiguous grey-gold repeating in its under layers, all brittle fabric that would scratch slightly with the friction of being held. Under the trousers a tag would emerge, ‘keep away from children, fragile, display purpose only’. And with the porcelain jester open-armed on its edge, I burned the object to the front and back of my mind at once, holding the next event in its black space like a perforating spear. *** The house continues in uncanny proportion. Like a child born wrong, it was missing windows where they should have been while other places were overcrowded with perfectly misplaced cracks amid the ivy clusters. Above the scattered eyes of the building, on its seventh or eighth floor, since nobody could ever tell, was where the birth of Theo Lovey took place. He reached out a hand as the red sun pushed up from the earth’s womb, and the black iron cold of his shadow on my face awoke me. I knew it was him when I saw on the windowsill that the doll was no longer there. Then when he reached a hand, because he was new to walking, and newer still to standing. I took the time to breathe, and I took more time to think what my face may have looked like, whether it was settled or afraid. And I was afraid not of him, but whether he could know why I forced him into living. And in all the time taken his stance was broken so he fell, his knees in an impossible position. From the floor he looked to me with a quivering lip, and seconds after churned the movements of a childish cry, but without any of its sounds. So in silence I watched the chest heave up and down and his face get twisted, and very small fists tightening themselves around nothing. What surprised me was when his eyes did water, but he did not move to cover it with his hands as I would have. And was he still porcelain or made of skin? So I poked very quickly at his shoulder and retracted the finger, holding onto it with my other hand to consider the touch for longer. But this did not tell me anything. It did stop his crying, however, and I wondered again how much knowing he had or was capable of. Though, looking into the overwhelmingly bright, watering eyes, that only seemed to consume more space on his small head, I became less afraid to take his hand. At first it was cold and solid as expected, But as we walked to the next room, the last tears dropped and warmed my hand atop his. As this happened, I knew his hold was somehow shifting though he kept it painfully firm. It kept getting warmer until I felt little fingers, even smaller than my own, becoming increasingly more real. As he continued I could hear and feel the resonance of his breath even more than before. All of it unfolded in the way where holding a rose stem by the thorns, forces you to realise for the first time that your grasp is really your own. And as I led him to the room, where a woman named Theodora Laveau had left the world by the next highest window, I thought on how his flesh could save the others from the same. *** Like the other working women, I never knew Theodora Laveau but I did know that the rings around her eyes of yellow, green, grey, were only as ugly and brutal as the hands that forced them. One pair of hands were bulbous and stout with a thick alloy ring on the left. Another pair were educated, long, almost woman-like but not quite. Then came my mother, when she caught me looking at the blurry exchange of men between the slight turn of that white chipped door. When I braced myself, expecting what was fair to come, a slap like red gunshot was landed. But not on me. I lifted my head to see Theodora, cowering from the eyes of my mother as the spaces for white were instead streaming veins of red green and purple. She accused something about a darkness in the hiding woman that couldn’t help but show up in her face, even though she was as dark as I was, and not much more than my mother. Quickly I was lifted and in her embrace we flew down orange stairs, onto the street, walking silently then under the hot malevolent sun. And it was on this walk that my mother noticed me staring at this doll in an antique shop, owned by an old woman who bawled long and strange as soon as I held it. But my mother scowled at the noise and smiled when she turned to me, to give the thing that I would later name for the intention of giving peace to the first. Because by the time we returned to the house from the day, that Theodora firmed her resolve to fall with the sun. And my mother’s screaming covered the thud. She urged me to hide upstairs. When I did, I leaned out my window to watch my mother remove her jewellery, boots, underwear, before dragging her by the bare feet until they turned the corner to the house’s next face where I could no longer see. Meanwhile, spots of yellow and orange began to unfold like narcissus, on the street that never stopped moving despite the heaviness of the ghost-blue evening that infiltrated the glossy eyes of the young. *** With the old workers the boy was paraded on the street wearing the same pink lace of his predecessor. His jester hat and original clothing kept all the same except for the trousers being exchanged with a sheer white skirt, that flowed against the rustle of buyers leering up close. And the crowd that followed arranged themselves by order of age. The line followed all along the winding orange stairs, up to the entrance of his room, which was no longer a door but a stream of rhinestone beads. Some days I would fail to pass this area fast enough, and be forced to briefly acknowledge him staring at me when something was being done to him. Because as soon as I grew tall enough to see my mother on equal footing, she decided I should be as impartial as she was and to no longer need the door, which I still very much needed. Otherwise, I could’ve pretended to be happy, knowing that the abundance that came out him, meant the rest of the workers no longer needed to work for us in that way. Some became housekeepers and maids, some gardeners when we bought a separate larger plot of land, on an unlived part of the opposite road. Others left forever to find something to do, not out of need but from finally being free to do the wanting. And for all the days that this was made possible, a grand buffet with ribbons and flags of clashing colours, and food that didn’t match, was arranged for these men who came from everywhere. First it had been a modest arrangement, but the tables quickly extended into the street and further, where a bowl of apples was placed at the very end for the glamorous horses to arrive to, after pulling carriages that weighed heavier in their overload of gold, feathers, and topaz. For these people the air was made to smell sweet, but only in that poisonous way or else they wouldn’t be able to sense it. Then the addition of the sweat that gathered by the crevice of each ruddy man’s neck, became nothing but an insidious rotting. One of the women, which I still never spoke to, offered me what she was eating. Something heavy, over-spiced, and passed its time. Then I imagined the red beans throbbing and I had to walk away. *** With every memory I revisit, the house unravels into uglier and uglier proportion. It leaned heaviest on the night I brought Theo Lovey to the room, where the ivy had flooded in from the window that never closed after the first descended. And from below, my mother continued to heave in the basement with her groaning cello, then pricking on our feet. It infiltrated our chests and continued to expand past all hearing, to buzz in our fingers then to our head and ears, until it frenzied in the feverish blue air that began to reveal its sparks of white. As it got warmer, and my hand started to sweat more into his, I broke the hold to wipe onto my dress. But the Lovey eyes followed and stopped. Once more they consumed the small face he was given and he dropped on the floor abrupt, like his legs went back to stone. He was crying again with the exaggerated movements of a person who wasn’t used to humanity and never would be. Then he raised the small pink hand to point at my rapidly unfolding black. Unarmed I kneeled. I held onto myself on the slow way down hoping to conceal it. A furnace of the world, a chamber of red muscle. A place we hope is far but is in us wherever we are. My mother appeared behind us. Her eyes were pointed. Her lips pulled thinner and whiter. Her smile was painful to me but she didn’t seem to feel it. So the equally unfeeling but heavily wanting hands took Theo. And before the night of the first time was over I never bled again. *** This house does not exist. From the first night I had some indication of what was becoming, but these were only confirmed one morning when we were much older and overflooded with his success. Pieces were breaking off and floating from the swollen bouquets, piled up in all corners of every room, but especially there in the kitchen where we sat staring past each other. My mother and I on opposite ends the window in between split us both down the morning’s mild white and the grey lavender of its proceeding shadow. The pale green wall and the red-checked tablecloth. Black wooden clock whirred heavy above her head. This resonance was hers and so was the echoing sound of the vendors setting up outside. She broke the silence biting into a large green apple, occasionally brushing rough with her sleeve. I took the black coffee between my hands slow. The question coming close by the heat on my tongue. But the answer came before any ask. Forced out by a heavy black bag was Theo. From the grand wooden closet next to the cupboard behind my mother’s seat, he was pushed onto the floor by its weight. The bruised pink of his mouth, partially parted like an infant with fever, had been stained by the red of my mother’s gaudy lip. His eyes dragged slightly down by their sides, with a frantic despair. Some indents she had left and the mauve surrounding them were still unfolding, roses all over his arms and legs. And he was only in the white fabric. “Isn’t he pretty?’ the only thing she said. “Isn’t he pretty, Merce?” *** That was the last time I saw them, and the first time she really tried to pray. In the streetcar I ran to, the hovering face forced me to think of Theo for all the rest of the journey. Who knows why I didn’t take him with me. But no more answers. And still none now as I watch the black swamp that gives no reflection. Instead, part of a hand emerges. Which I lean over and pull up by my window. As this arm unveils, it seems perfectly preserved. Pale skin taught and cold. But as soon as the full body emerges naked from the swamp, everything wrinkles all over with a slight hiss and the froth re emerges for a moment between the floorboards. They remain as the suddenly aged man begins to breathe stiffly. *** “Mm, mm...", a mumble as he turns to stare. Eyes heavy and direct as the swamp. The froth laces over the entire floor now. How the lines are hiding his face. But the likeness is the same so I know who this is. “Merce,” It makes me cry. “Mercedes.” And I know he never spoke before. The froth subsides to the thickening black and I kneel in it facing down hoping to get eaten. But Theo Lovey forces himself and myself to stand upright. Now two weary people, hopefully headed somewhere, nice. I never saw the swamp in the day, but we’re passing above it now and it looks even blacker. Secretly I imagined us holding hands again, so now we’re both real people, in all its severities, wherever we land.

More poetry practice

Poetry practice

Shadows were heaving, their black liquid-flesh interlocking to rip apart. The wind had finally smothered the candle he kept on, as it screeched like some delirious wayward traveller. Whatever it was entered the house again; the shadow of a tree branch lighting cracks on my face, its shape the long hand of something other. It would start again, clawing at the flesh-threads of life with which I held onto Clara, the same way I held onto Damascus the responsible elder, Isabella ‘Bella’ and Rebecca ‘Becca’, the rivalling twins, Ruth the one we were sure would make it, and sweet little Elijah, before they were all torn off, leaving my womb in clustered, disconnected, burning threads. And when Clara lay instead in my palm, just a small, swollen, deep-purple body, dripping still with the thick black blood I lifted her from, the unseen hand kept teething at my womb while I breathed harder meaning to stay still. When Darius returned with a relighted candle, its light was soon stifled again, so the blue light rose on his face as he entered, “Petra… Petra I’ve been meaning to tell you that-” “Tell it.” “That… I can’t look after you anymore,” “Bastard.” “No, not when I knew the whole time that you put something in my drink to keep me here. I knew it, and I didn’t say, so as not to make you feel uncomfortable. And in all this waste of time, I tried to have you understand, that you didn’t need to. I would’ve wanted to stay anyway.” “And now?” “…Well, I did my best.” That’s when I put Clara’s body to rest in the glass jar I had beside me, before standing, striding over, and striking him. His hand covered the side of his face from which his nose trickled blue-black in that decadent night, and for the first time, I attempted to caress the smooth unwavering face. Still, he turned and silently moved down the narrow stairs towards the entrance. His shoes dragged in the murky waters. The door creaked long and hollow as he left our house, into the warring downpour. Equally drenched after rushing barefooted to the balcony, I watched him wading far in the rippling silver street, trying to make him think, I should go back, I should go back, I should go back, or else I’m a lowly bastard , all the way up until he finally infused with the night.   ***   Someone gashed a red-orange wound in that sky, and under its pervading glow I hoped for warmth, only to get sore in the bright metallic air. When I briefly retreated inside, to bring Clara to see the view, her jar had shattered and her flimsy body furred over by the carpet dust. And I went to wash her, crying ugly and sputtering mucus, explaining that I never meant to drop her and that she was never dropped anyway, that the bath was only to celebrate her living. And as I washed her, a part of my nail slipped, a slit in her warm flesh. And in silence, I pushed a scream like my throat could churn diamonds, while her limp body trembled along with my trembling hand. Holding her with dedication I returned to the balcony to say, look Clara, this is the light, and I heard her crying with that raspy newborn wail, so I spilt, I love you Clara, I love you and all your brothers and sisters, I loved you as much as I loved Darius … I had to end the crying, knowing what would come. So I carried her with me outside, to the bridge over the canal, where its green-blue waters received her in silence. My jaw and all my muscles were taut as I dug my nails into my scalp and dragged down the sides of my hot face with its temples burning. For a moment I knelt and laid my head against the stone barrier, gripping the bars of the bridge to imagine my nails biting into Darius again. But what good is a life in a glass jar? It’s not my fault. None of them. Soon after I rushed back home, as people began to wake in theirs, and the song of minor birds recalled, and so did the distant pair of wheels. Slouching in the two chairs he first laid on, I stared at the cold lute in its corner while it stared back at me. We faced away from the light, as the shadows grew longer and darker and taller than I ever was or could’ve been. With no reason to be awake, I felt my mind slip through the numb fingers interweaved in my scalp as the shadows began silently twisting and writhing into little boys and girls.   ***   In some ways, it was worse that I could watch them play and play with them, but fail to clasp my arms around any one of the waiting children. Because children need hugging. And what a child also needs, is to be seen. But I couldn’t see them. They were still just the cold hollow of light, always shivering. And I couldn’t warm them with a hug. So I kept many candles lighted. Soon the chance to see them came, when on Carnevale, ships arrived from the world to celebrate, and under the freedom of my mask and the carelessness of some inadequate mothers and fathers, I found them. I guided them by their little pink hands, warm and fleshy, through the trembling flood of embroidered ballgowns and heeled boots with the golden buckles, out of the whipping light and back to our damp home, which in their absence had begun to eat away at itself, where I then removed their masks with the same dedication in which I first carried their bodies. Damascus, Bella, Becca, Ruth, Elijah and Clara all stood before me, watching while I knelt to meet them at eye level. And I embraced them all, exhaling, we’re finally home, then crying, this is home . And exactly as I had known them, they were all very beautiful children.   *** It was necessary for me to horde them away first. Otherwise, I would’ve lost them again too soon. So when the flood had crept in and swallowed back out enough times, we all stepped into the nipping air, holding hands tight. As we moved through the cobblestone street my vision blurred with the constant straining of my neck head and spine, to look more ways at a time than my useless body would allow. I knew that anyone could assume I was as negligent, no, more negligent, incompetent, horrible, than whoever came before, yet I walked the dignity of a thousand noble women and trained myself to hold the same severity of the overseers, that with the triumph of a family I presented, I began to remind myself that the past should never be seen. And so I proudly toured the children around the Bridge of Sighs, the Basilica, the Palace, then the square, no musicians that time. The empty space soon filled with the memories I poured into the children, of a strange man made of rock, with the exaggerated limbs and raw skill of aggravation that a wiry mosquito would possess. As I spoke further, Damascus held my hand looking sorry for me, Bella and Becca started to tug at each other’s hair and skirts, Ruth crouched to closely inspect the approaching myriad of white, blue, brown, pigeons, Elijah kept finding things to laugh about, and Clara poked my arm to ask, with her beaming ruddy face, and fingers coyly intertwining, whether the man I told them about was my “sweet one”, to which Damascus quickly shook his head, ordered her to “shush!”.   As I was about to correct him, and answer her, a man who had been sitting on the steps of one of the stone buildings surrounding us, stood up to make his way. The heavy sun poured onto his back so that he was overcast for some time, and all the while I hardened my nerves and firmed my teeth, as I commanded the children to gather behind. Yet the man, when we were finally close enough, had been the red-eyed, dishevelled, gaunt-looking remains of the skin he wore before, like a scrap of leather worn too often, with white scratches visible in the tarnished brown. And it was easier then, to admit that I loved him.   *** “Petra…” The rain of many nights before clung to him in the crevices of his weary joints. As I laid my head by his neck, the damp musk seemed to weigh on me too, and the rough cloth on his chest and back drained my warmth as I held on. Then with a slight tightening, and under a whisper, I told him, “Again.” And Darius breathed it out, before floating to the ground, and I descended with him to support his weight, to watch his half-lidded eyes close further. After they were fully closed, he went on, “I heard, that you became a recluse, and it wasn’t enough just to hear about you. But on my way back, to our home, I couldn’t continue. Instead, I wasted away here, afraid, to see all the damage I left. I’m sorry…”, and he turned his heavy head away from the sun, using his wide palms to cover the abysmal sight of him crying in my lap. “And Petra, I always knew you were a beautiful soul. The way you’ve taken these children in-” “Taken them in?”, I interjected. After he raised his brows, observing the children who gathered in a crescent shape around us, he sighed with a confused expression, “…Well, alright, beautiful Signorina. You tell me.” So I ensured he knew that their true mother was me, that these were our destined children, Damascus, Bella and Becca, Ruth, Elijah, Clara, all as they were meant to be. And to that he sat up on the step below mine, to kiss my hand, say nothing more, stare into the distance and sooth his thumbs over my upturned palm, us sitting all together on the big stone steps to face the sun.   ***   When the sun finally froze over, hardened and white and fading into its equally pallid sky, the pieces could be seen descending on the cobblestones, infusing into the fog that settled over the darkening waters, and blanketing the curved domes and tiled roofs of all great and humble buildings within view of our balcony. With the glass door closed behind me the children still slept, scattered with their pink and peachy limbs in disarray all over the dishevelled bed, cushions and blankets spilled onto the carpet from its sides. With Elijah and Clara on opposite sides about to fall, I opened the door; cool air entered with me, smothered the candlelight Darius had left for them the night before his return to work. And I knew there would still be much time before he could reappear, but I would sit every morning until then, to form his impressive silhouette, approaching from the expanding fog. After re-arranging and re-blanketing the children, the church bell rang, followed by the airy white notes of its choir. That was when the door resounded from below. And I gathered my long velvet skirt in one hand to carefully descend the stairs. Yet when I answered, a dark child stood silent before me, with big black eyes staring under sparse brows, a wrinkly finger lightly itching its flat nose, and wild blue-black hair protruding from its ugly high forehead. With its bare clothing and lack of shoes, I could have pitied it. I would have pitied it, if it weren’t that child. Something there sickened me and compelled me to slam the door. But as I retreated up the stairs, the door resounded heavily again. So I rushed back to scream at that disturbingly silent pest, to leave me and my children in peace, before slamming the door again, leaning against it and making myself breathe slow. Needing to lay in the warmth of my sleeping children, I made my way upstairs.   ***   “If I could kill that child I would”. She exhaled the words like a white death. Her eyes took in the children’s cooling bodies and their calm expressions surrounding her. I tried holding my breath longer but lost hold, and the covers were ripped from the mirrors to expose me to the light, her face stretched into disgust and rage as we took the beating that came, every fist a blooming warm.   Once she finally tired, I rushed to hang my arms around her, nestle my head by her heaving chest, to stop her for as long as possible. And I saw the woman’s arms bear the same bruises as mine, before I looked up to her melting, seething face. Her chest swells again when she knows. And I think our resemblance only hurts her more.   ***   The child still remains. I look away, but the mirrors latch on to me with my reflection, forcing me to see her again, myself before the world of beauty. In weary confusion, I stand still, slowly turning my head to mourn everything before us, a ghostly sheen descending like the holy spirit transforming into something real, washing over all the horrors under its vague light, and to the sound of nothing but the breathing canal, we wait for Darius to return home.

The inciting incident for modern warfare is often attributed to the Crimean War [1] , which accelerated Harvey’s time-space compression [2]  with the invention of the telegraph, exacerbated by advancements in nuclear and cyber warfare, underscored by globalisation. These developments, alongside institutional failures, have heightened the moral ambiguities of war until it no longer “determine(s) who is right — only who is left.” [3]  Consequently, it might be logical to assume that the modern civilian holds an anti-war stance, a sentiment frequently echoed in today's media since its Renaissance [4] . However, though war may no longer be naturalised [5] , the modern civilian does not entirely oppose it. While the erosion of traditional methods that once strengthened civil-military relations, ('invisible communities,' nationalism, religion) along with technological advancements fostering greater awareness of the realities of war and its corruption, has strained CMR, the inundation of information dilutes these moral disagreements. Some desensitised individuals may adopt a more positive outlook on warfare and thereby the military due to moral distance, 'The Descent of Man' [6] , and the search for meaning to replace its former placeholders, most notable and long withstanding of which had been religion. Meanwhile genuine activist efforts remain marginalised due to political apathy or punitive measures [7] . Thus, modern warfare has severed CMR. Although some can harbour an unconscious acceptance of war, this no longer stems from its naturalisation, but what we will refer to as its ‘normalisation’, where information moves fast, the world in its entirety moves fast, and as such, we are compelled to keep moving on. A significant impact of modern warfare on CMR is the advancement of communication [8] , defined through transmission or ritual. The former connects to Harvey’s time-space compression on the beginnings of a “voracious public appetite for the immediacy of telegraphed news” [9]  developing into desensitisation. Whereas the latter foreshadows the erosion of invisible communities [10] . This transformation is exemplified by The Charge of the Light Brigade [11]  and Enthusiasm of Paterfamilias [12] , circulated by contemporary national news [13]  to portray the shift from romanticising soldiers, figures of national heroism, to focus on war’s injustices . A gendered difference in this perception is also depicted in the women’s faces compared to the animated Paterfamilias , articulated in Perry’s ‘Descent of Man’ [14]  and supported by increasing disparities [15]  in political views [16] . Consequently, military reverence has diminished overall, though associations of war with masculinity suggests male and female civilians will experience this separation differently. Later advancements in communication would further civilian mistrust towards the military through biased war-reporting, for example, “show(ing) the Blitz… represented as indiscriminate terrorism against innocent civilians… by its ability to show the effects of bombing on the ground: the viewpoint was… those crouching beneath the bombs. But when the same newsreels covered the Allied bombing of German cities like Cologne or Hamburg, the reports were, of equal necessity, all from above: their viewpoint shared with the bombers… ‘Much damage of military importance was done.” [17]  Similarly the BBC, due to government ties to Israel, reported Israelis being ‘killed’, ‘murdered’, even ‘brutally murdered’, while in comparison, Palestinians simply ‘died’ [18] . Consequently, the commodification of news [19]   and the alignment of military reporting with government agendas undermines public confidence in both institutions. Further regarding authoritative mistrust, modern warfare, driven by technological advancements, has transformed CMR by heightening awareness of corruption and conditions of war. Additionally, these advancements have escalated the threat of destruction, shifting casualties from ‘distant’ soldiers to civilians. Examples include the development of nuclear warfare during the Cold War, which not only raised concerns about the longer-term magnitude of destruction but also its immediacy, as previously seen in the decimation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki [20] . Similarly, the War on Terror [21] intensified insecurities about the military's ability to protect its citizens due to the evolving nature of conflict. Considering the insecurity exacerbated by time-space compression in modern warfare, which destabilises former institutions and heightens awareness of military errors, civilians are not only distrustful of, but even antagonised by, the military. Despite expectations that the military should prioritise its population's interests, historical events such as the Red Scare demonstrate otherwise [22] . Further instances of the military turning against its civilians have recurred throughout history, under the regimes of Pinochet, the Kim dynasty, Putin, and during the Tiananmen Square massacre, all cases in which the military acted as ‘key supporters’ [23] for tyranny. Moreover, while the ruination of those returning from war could previously be obscured by victory [24] , the Vietnam war was widely regarded as futile, subsequently exposing the ‘disregard’ [25] of returning veterans as not much more than pawns, to much greater extents (even now, cases of soldiers being discharged without warning and facing structural unemployment [26]  has only re-affirmed this view). Increasing awareness at the time could be seen in shifting media depictions of the cinematic protagonist from the archetypal hero to antiheroes, such as Randle McMurphy [27] or Travis Bickle [28] , among others [29] , all depicted returning veterans struggling to navigate post-war life due to flaws or obstacles prompted by the effects of war. Therefore, modern warfare has altered CMR through the increased awareness of corruption which has caused civilian distrust of the military, furthered by the growing threat of destruction through advancements in weaponry, and underscored by repeated instances of military aggression against its own civilians. The civilian's disillusionment continues to persist into the 21st century, fuelled by the rapidly evolving nature of warfare. This evolution not only destabilises institutions, resulting in flawed or ineffective decision-making (for example, the increased urgency for cybersecurity [30]  and its resulting insecurities [31] , or the United Nations during the Rwandan and Bosnian Genocides [32] ) but also necessitates a reassessment of the effectiveness of military strategy as a whole. The proliferation of advanced weaponry, exemplified by nuclear and cyber warfare, alongside increasing interconnectedness in trade and culture (diminishing nationalism and thereby posing a greater challenge in civilians to justify war through perceptions of ‘the other’) concludes that the prospect of a third world war would mean destruction of a magnitude that benefits no one.  These escalating stakes underscore the need for preventive measures, notably soft diplomacy, which is increasingly supported by public opinion as evidenced in its calls for reduced military spending [33] . Thus, CMR has also diminished as the military is no longer viewed as advantageous as in former years, due to its post-war treatment of those who served, as well as changes in modern warfare that have emphasised an increasing urgency for preventative measures such as soft diplomacy over military strategy. To conclude, modern warfare primarily altered CMR through advancements in communication that exposed corruption, and weaponry which has escalated the stakes of conflict, the increasingly connected landscape of which challenges the relevancy of military action when preventative measures are preferable. Moreover, gendered differences in attitudes towards war and the modern man's desire to achieve its re-glorification [34] , prompt additional questions on the future of CMR. These emerging dynamics underscore the significance of addressing not only the immediate consequences of modern warfare, but its long-term ramifications. Perhaps, rather than attempting to ‘correct’ the public opinion of the military, as some recruitment services aim to do [35] , the military should not only be concerned with war but more directly serve its civilians through the deployment of military services during natural disasters, rescue operations, medical assistance, food and humanitarian relief, as similarly to the way in which ‘manuscripts don’t burn’ [36] , neither do the events of history, despite attempts to ignore, rewrite or ‘correct’. Rather, the civilian’s distrust through time simply has to be acknowledged and the military must adapt accordingly.   Footage of the Kentucky Derby Protests taken by The Courier Journal, 6th September 2020   Bibliography [1]  Claim supported by the start of the fourth paragraph in ‘The Crimean War’, National Park Service, 4th August 2022 < The Crimean War (U.S. National Park Service) ( nps.gov ) > [accessed 18th March 2024] [2]  Concept explained in the abstract of Peter Kivisto, ‘Time-Space Compression’, Wiley Online Library, 29th February 2012 < https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470670590.wbeog557 > [accessed 18th March 2024] [3]  Famous quote used to reflect modern views on war as explored by Mindscape, “War doesn’t determine who is right- only who is left, Medium, 4th October 2023 < “War doesnt determine who is right — only who is left” | by Mindscape | Medium > [accessed 18th March 2024]                               [4]  The Hollywood Renaissance faced the emergence of antiheroes over traditionally chivalrous protagonists, ‘the inverted John Wayne figure’, due to the disillusionment of former national heroism in the aftermath of the Vietnam War, Peter C. Rollins, ‘The Vietnam War: Perceptions Through Literature, Film, and Television’, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 36, No. 3 (1984) pp. 1,4, 8-9, doi :   https://doi.org/10.2307/2712741 [5] This would explain previously passive acceptance of war, but through its falsification is no longer as relevant to explaining unconscious war-acceptance today, see 1:09 to 4:08 of Wisecrack, ‘Why Humanity Turns to War’, YouTube, 18th April 2022 < Why Humanity Turns to War - YouTube > [accessed 18th March 2024] [6]  Grayson Perry, The Descent of Man, Penguin books (2016) [7]  Despite peacefully protesting, activists still face the threat of violence enacted by authority and its military forces to limit the protester’s ability to enact change, ‘Protect the Protest’, Amnesty International, 2023¸< Right to protest - Amnesty International > [accessed 18th March 2024] [8]  In this lecture, two definitions of communication are explored and applied to the context of the Crimean war Dr Whyte, ‘Communication and War’, I.R.100/L02/01/W18 : International Relations: Theory and Practice, Lancaster University (March 2023) see 27:52 to 30:35 I.R.100/L02/01/W18 ( panopto.eu ) [9]  Derek Gregory, “Deadly Embrace – War, distance and intimacy”, International Geographical Congress, (2012) p.2, Gregory - Deadly Embrace .pdf [10]  Loss of invisible communities through the telegraph’s invention and established beginnings of a slow decline in nationalism, Dr Whyte, ‘Communication and War’, see 33:20 to 34:50 I.R.100/L02/01/W18 ( panopto.eu ) [11]  Alfred Lord Tennyson, The Charge of the Light Brigade, The Examiner (1854) [12]  The man holds his stick as though he too were one of the soldiers, the soldier is gradually seen as an individual beyond its symbolism of national heroism, Enthusiasm of Paterfamilias, 1854, print, 5057x3741/18.1MB, John Leech Cartoons from Punch magazine | PUNCH Magazine Cartoon Archive [13]  BNA, ‘’Charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade – the Battle of Balaclava , 25 October 1854’, The British Newspaper Archive, 24th October 2013 < The British Newspaper Archive Blog ‘Charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade’ – the Battle of Balaclava, 25 October 1854 | The British Newspaper Archive Blog > [14]  Differing expectations and experiences of masculinity versus femininity lead to different views on war, with a sense of nostalgia and overall positive outlook for the modern man made more apparent than for women, ‘For many young men today, being a man is to be like one of those Japanese soldiers emerging from the jungle, still fighting after the war was long over… conditioned to be something that is no longer needed’, ‘national service was the last time we had a formalised coming-of-age ritual for young men… it was a time of re-parenting’, Grayson Perry, The Descent of Man, pp. 78, 87 [15]  Dr Rosalind Shorrocks, ‘The gender divide in British politics’, UK in a Changing Europe, 8th March 2022 < The gender divide in British politics - UK in a changing Europe ( ukandeu.ac.uk ) > [accessed 18th March 2024] [16]  ‘The Growing Political Divide Between Young Men and Women’, Survey Centre on American Life, 31st May 2022 < The Growing Political Divide Between Young Men and Women - The Survey Center on American Life ( americansurveycenter.org ) > [accessed 18th March 2024] [17]  Gregory, “Deadly Embrace – War, distance and intimacy”, p.4 [18]  Xander Elliards, ‘Study shows BBC bias in reporting on Palestinian and Israeli deaths, The National (9th January 2024) < Study shows BBC 'bias' in reporting on Palestinian and Israeli deaths | The National > [accessed 19th March 2023] [19]  Greg McLaughlin, ‘From Luckless Tribe to Wireless Tribe: The Impact of Media Technologies on War Reporting’, Pluto Press (2016) pp. 65-66, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt19qgf0x.8 [20]  Destruction of warfare and its increased proximity to the civilian despite them being at home, away from battlefields, and the impacts would run deeper than anticipated, Robert Rizzo, ‘The Psychological Illusions of Nuclear Warfare’, University of North Carolina Press, 33. No. 3 , (1983) https://www.jstor.org/stable/24458674 [21]  Every new conflict creates a level of uncertainty in the general public about the efficacy of its leaders, John Mueller, ‘PUBLIC OPINION ON WAR AND TERROR: MANIPULATED OR MANIPULATING?’, Cato Institute (2021) https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep33745.5 [22]  The Red Scare was also referred to as a period of mass hysteria, where the perceived threat of Communism was fearmongered by the government to target suspected (or simply labelled) individuals and maintain this oppression through militia, Stuart J. Foster, ‘Chapter 1: The Red Scare: Origins and Impact’, Peter Lang AG, 87, (2000) p.6 https://www.jstor.org/stable/42976159 [23]  The role of the military as a key supporter for dictatorships, see 0:44 to 1:36 of CGP Grey, ‘Rules for Rulers’, YouTube, 24th October 2016, < The Rules for Rulers ( youtube.com ) > [accessed 18th March 2024] [24]  The aftermath of WW1 would have been afflicting; however, this is overshadowed by the war’s victory, and as such, anti-war sentiments are not yet as strong, Michael Roper, ‘ Between Manliness and Masculinity: The “War Generation” and the Psychology of Fear in Britain, 1914–1950’, Cambridge University Press, 44, No.2, (2005) pg. 2, doi:   https://doi-org.ezproxy.lancs.ac.uk/10.1086/427130 [25]  Simon Hall, ‘The Response of the Moderate Wing of the Civil Rights Movement to the War in Vietnam’, Cambridge University Press, 46, No. 3, (2003) https://www.jstor.org/stable/3133567 [26]  See abstract, Alair Maclean, ‘The Things They Carry: Combat, Disability, and Unemployment among U.S. Men’, American Sociological Review, 75, No. 4, (2010) The Things They Carry: Combat, Disability, and Unemployment among U.S. Men1 - Alair MacLean, 2010 ( sagepub.com ) [accessed 18th March 2023] [27]  Randle McMurphy: a war hero incriminated for insubordination, despite it saving lives. Continued challenges to authority lead to institutionalisation. The ward: a microcosm for fear-based oppression in McCarthyistic America. Most patients do not need to be there, but lack choice due to marginalisation for their differences (in thought, behaviour, or race). Randle is not a complete hero, as revealed in thoughts and actions towards women, but protects the rights of others. Ken Kesey, One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest,  Penguin Classics (2005) [28]  Travis Bickle: unable to reconnect with society after the war, he takes on superficially moral quests to feel re-purposed. First: assassination attempt of a President without much political knowledge or awareness of his policies. Then: kills the pimp of a young girl for news articles to shape him as a hero. Although last frames convey a lack of resolution and foreboding in this character. Paul Schrader, Taxi Driver, Faber and Faber (1990) [29]  Mario Puzo, The Godfather, G.P. Putnam and Sons (1967) [30]  Elaine Korzak, ‘UN GGE on Cybersecurity: The End of an Era?’, The Diplomat, 31st July 2017,   < UN GGE on Cybersecurity: The End of an Era? – The Diplomat > [accessed 18th March 2024] [31]  ‘The Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox’, Diplomacy, 2023, < The EU Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox ( cyber-diplomacy-toolbox.com ) > [accessed 19th March 2024] [32]  Cooper Scherr, ‘Why the United Nations Cannot Stop Genocide’, Santa Clara University, 23, No.14, (2019) pp. 1-10 https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1171&context=historical-perspectives [33]  ‘Eight reasons why UK military spending shouldn’t be increased’, SGR, 10th March 2023, < Eight reasons why UK military spending shouldn’t be increased | SGR: Responsible Science > [accessed 19th March 2024] [34]  Searches of war edits would reveal a growing counterculture of young men romanticising war, Travis Grey, ‘Ukraine Will Be Russia’, YouTube, 26th February 2024, < UKRAINE WILL BE RUSSIA - Russian Army Edit | KSLV NOH - OVERRIDE ( youtube.com ) > [accessed 19th March 2024] [35]  For example, here it is assumed that there is something to be fixed in the newer generation, when the focus should be on reacting to former issues in the military that have led to the depreciation of its reputation, see timestamp as well as top comments, MSNBC, ‘U.S. Military faces a recruiting crisis; service member offers solutions to change that’, YouTube (8th September 2023) < U.S. Military faces a recruiting crisis; service member offers solutions to change that ( youtube.com ) > [36] Mikhail Bulgakov, The Master and Margarita, YMCA Press   (1967) Ch. 24

Being a part of The Politics of Race module has not only helped me to better articulate and thus engage with perspectives on the topic, but to do so while considering personal context. This has developed my understanding of race as a matter that exists beyond the vacuum it is often presented in [1] , and furthered my ability to discuss the topic with others whose context differs.  As such, understanding the importance of the personal has led me to appreciate the wider context of The Politics of Race in a way that is more tangible and accessible [2] , than the distance of its usual presentation would have allowed. The significance of the personal as a tool to help better understand the wider context of this topic was established from before the very first seminar, where we were asked to email a short response to a reading [3]  in which the writer shares their personal experience concerning white privilege and how they were taught to look at the issues of race. An aspect that stood out was their white background, because the vast majority of speakers I had seen on the topic were always people who had been personally victimised by it at one point or another. What also stood out was that I was being called to reflect with personal context, which is perhaps not only a feature lacking on the usual teachings of race but also of wider academia [4] . And it was in this reflection that I realised I could relate to some aspects of the privileges described but not to all or most. As a mixed-race student who had always lived in areas where ‘the white majority’ [5]  were instead the minority, I had less experiences of overt racism, hearing or seeing it more as an issue affecting friends and family, those with less white-passing features. This did not mean I went without my own experiences, but because by comparison I had boxed myself in to a predominantly ‘white’ identity, I dismissed the cases of racism I did experience thinking that I would have been the wrong voice to contribute in the matter. Then moving to university in an area of lower diversity made me realise how I was unfairly dismissing my own experiences, because my otherness and thus related experiences became more apparent to me. For example, moments which my mum would have previously described happening to her in the workplace happened to me, when I noticed that even in large gatherings, if the rest of the group was English [6]  they would actively ignore me or stare with scrutinising eyebrows and keep to their own. Whereas groups I did well in either consisted of minorities or people who lived in similarly multicultural places. This realisation of the validity of my own perspective taught me the value of allowing contributions to come from different contexts, that the idea of who gets it worse misses the point entirely and prevents further discussion that could have otherwise fostered greater progression. Within the seminars leading up to my group’s presentation I learned more about ways to discuss race with critical engagement through being able to express general sentiments with greater articulation without the cost of desensitisation through academia [7] . A figure that stood out to me was DuBois who coined double consciousness [8] , a state lived by many but made seen by its formal expression [9] . Another moment was when we covered the transatlantic slave trade. I had already been familiar with the subject to some extent, but was reminded of the significance of personal context, as some admitted to being unfamiliar with it. Initially, I was surprised but then realised that much of what I learned about the issue was from outside the classroom. While it was a part of my school’s curriculum, it was taught more in a detached sort of way that suggested we were only there to get through the curriculum, not expressed with the same level of detail and perspective to which we had the opportunity of in the seminar [10] , the impact of which grounded the subject to a less abstract, typically desensitised, state. Similarly, there was an exploration into maps, the different ones constructed through time and the choices made to prioritise one over the other [11] , which taught that the history behind any issue cannot be separated from its current state and how deeply racialised power dynamics could be ingrained. What I therefore learned from this, and the module overall, is the significance of acknowledging both personal and historical context in addressing the issues of race. This experience not only deepened my understanding but also reinforced the necessity of interrogating how systems and narratives are built, sustained, and obscured over time. Outside of the classroom a smaller group of us befriended each other from the shared discussion time and arranged to meet up some days at the Costa on campus to debrief anything we learned or found prominent. For example, I spoke about one introduction to a seminar which was a single photo without any text enlarged on the board, of a father looking at the decapitated foot of his daughter [12] . It was prominent to me because through the stark visualisation it returned some humanity to the subject, where because of how large-scale the brutality was, as well as how statistics-focused the topic may lean [13]  it seems easier to view it as a far-away, only partially realised [14]  history. Further, the placement of the photo as the very first slide and taking up the full space emphasised its importance, that the image and everything it stood for was true enough without accompanying description. Ultimately, I discovered the value of community, not only because discussing a topic helps me to better remember and engage with the material but also because of the progress it inspires by building solidarity and encouraging different perspectives to be inspired to learn more. The importance of discussion would then contribute towards my presentation prep. For example, realising the importance and usefulness of discussion I took the initiative to get to know members of the group as individuals by making some brief and light-hearted conversation after class to establish some sense of familiarity. Closer to the week of our assigned topic we then had our first meeting as a group where we were able to discuss more freely and openly as a result of the familiarity already established. Looking back it may have been better to start our work on the presentation earlier, as while the first meet-up, to discuss how we would go about the presentation was in the week before, the issue was that by this point all of us were extremely occupied. The second meeting was arranged for the day before, for any touch-ups, but by then only two of us were able to make it, and neither of us had made a proper start. As such, the work still ended up being rushed with us arranging the slides the night before. Looking back it would have been more convenient to have arranged for these at a less occupied time. On the other hand, the process and delivery still succeeded in some aspects. For example, because there were less of us in total it could be said that time management would be easier. The total time given of five to seven minutes was relatively short, though in our case, because one established from the first meeting that he would be absent we cut down the topics of our week covering AS&R, Culture, Race, Immigration, to the last three, leaving: a brief overview, key case study concerning all topics [15] , race, culture, and then for the immigration section back to an overarching perspective on all three while covering any additional factors [16]  not earlier considered. This simplicity allowed for flexibility when on the day, as we were speaking, we realised that we were at risk of going over time, but were able to adapt by summarising the slides rather than saying all we planned to, and because the structure was simple it was easy to navigate through the content. This simplicity also made me realise the value in delivering information with greater accessibility. In conclusion, this module has deeply enriched my ability to engage critically with race by highlighting the interplay between personal and wider contexts. Reflecting on my own experiences allowed me to appreciate the importance of diverse perspectives, challenging traditional notions of who is permitted the authority to speak on race. I also realised that discussing complex topics with a sense of community encourages deeper understanding and makes learning more accessible. This inclusion can be further developed by maintaining simplicity, as well as always remembering to refer back to the real people affected behind the seemingly indomitable abstraction of numbers. The awareness developed will help inform me to make valuable contributions in my International Relations degree and creative writing minor, where incorporating diversity and nuance prove essential.           Bibliography [1]   Bonilla-Silva, E. (2010) . Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America . Rowman & Littlefield. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 25–52) [2]   Collins, P. H. (1990) . Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment . Routledge. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 221–238) [3]   McIntosh, Peggy (1989) . White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack, The National SEED Project – Wellesley Centres for Women., Wellesley College [4]   Delgado, R. & Stefancic, J. (2017) . Critical Race Theory: An Introduction . NYU Press. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 1–18) [5]   Tatum, B. D. (2003) . "Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?": And Other Conversations About Race . Basic Books. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 52–74) [6]   Kendi, I. X. (2019) . How to Be an Antiracist . One World. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 127–148) [7]   Lorde, A. (1984) . Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches . Crossing Press. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 124–133) [8]   DuBois, W. E. B. (1903) . The Souls of Black Folk . A.C. McClurg & Co. [Available at: https://www.gutenberg.org ] (pp. 3–10) [9]   Yancy, G. (2018) . Backlash: What Happens When We Talk Honestly About Racism in America . Rowman & Littlefield. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 89–106) [10]   Slave Voyages  A database for the transatlantic slave trade [11] Harley, J. B. (1988) . "Maps, Knowledge, and Power." In The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design, and Use of Past Environments , edited by Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels. Cambridge University Press. [Available at: https://archive.org ] (pp. 277–312) [12]   Nsala looking at the hand and foot of his daughter (photo by Alice... | Download Scientific Diagram [13]   Hartman, S. (2007) . Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route . Farrar, Straus and Giroux. [Available at: [Saidiya_V._Hartman]_Lose_Your_Mother__A_Journey_A( z-lib.org ).pdf ] (pp. 57–78) [14]   Mbembe, A. (2003) . Necropolitics . Public Culture, 15(1), 11-40 [Available at: https://read.dukeupress.edu/public-culture/article/15/1/11/32171 ] (pp. 11-20) [15]   Family Separation By the Numbers | ACLU  Article covering some of the key information presented [16]   Livio Sansone  (Reviewed Work: Globalization and Race: Transformation in the Cultural Production of Blackness  by Kamari Maxine Clarke, Deborah A. Thomas). [Available at: Review: [Untitled] on JSTOR ] For example of a future implication covered